Le Merle

vol.8 no.1, Automne 2025
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vol.8 no.1, Automne 2025
Horizons Beyrouth-Montréal — prévente
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Horizons Beyrouth-Montréal — prévente
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Ce numéro explore la notion d’horizon et l’expérience de sa possible absence, nourrissant l’échange entre le Liban et sa diaspora. Cette publication rassemble une constellation de pensées qui interrogent tour à tour les imaginaires de l’habiter et de l’exil, le jeu des frontières invisibles et de la distance, les pratiques de résistance dans la production d’images et les représentations politiques du sectarisme, de l’écologie et de l’expérience propre à l’urbanité Libanaise. La majorité des textes réunis ont été écrits avant le 7 octobre 2023, avant le génocide en cours. Il a été édité par Mirna Abiad-Boyadjian et François Lemieux qui remercient chaleureusement les contributrices et contributeurs.

Chagrin de la distance inacceptable

Hoda Adra

Quand je parle à ma mère au téléphone, je fais des dessins pour ne pas que la ligne m’étrangle. Elle me tend un espoir de rattraper ma vie (comme elle aurait voulu que je l’agrippe : par les bases, par le mariage, par la maternité, par les cornes que j’ai ébréchées). Le fils de mon cousin se marie au Canada, tu ne le connais pas mais je lui ai dit  que tu irais. Il est de mon devoir de te pointer le large et ses possibles. Fais-toi belle. L’injonction parentale de jeter au puits tout ce qui ferait de moi une marginale. Je fais couler le nœud et me libère, poisson par poisson : mon étoile, mes dents, mon langage et sa distorsion, ma cigarette, mon balcon et ses géraniums rouges, mon propre, mon épopée, mon travail, mon expérience, mon organe, mon relief, mon vœu, mon instrument, mon vécu, mon nom, mon incalculable auquel ma mère s’acharne à se destiner, notre fractalité déchue d’office, brèche pour mon départ, je me faufile dans le trou des truites damnées, vieilles et originales.

 

Je gonfle comme un soleil.

 

J’arrive à l’endroit sans paravent sans paratemps. J’essaie d’être le moment et de le laisser tomber. Quand j’étais là-bas, j’étais ici. Fixer un objet. Arroser la plante. Respirer trois coups. Zoning out par la fenêtre. Qu’est ce qui? Je ne veux plus penser. Je pense à ne plus penser et finis par tout penser : les visages du monde que je ne verrai jamais, le peloton de spermatozoïdes avant moi, mes photos d’enfance dans le tiroir d’une amie boudée, Tripoli si sa rivière Abou Ali recoulait, pourquoi l’odeur de moisi du coin sombre d’un couloir humide de l’immeuble de chalets au Qalamoun me suit jusqu’à Montréal, la falaise de Chekka, la vie sexuelle des hommes de la préhistoire et le consentement, les liketivists et sauver pour plaire, ma mère et si elle est ma vraie mère, si elle a travaillé espionne, si elle m’a laissé trop longtemps pleurer pour avoir elle aussi le droit de longtemps pleurer, si on est capable de raconter l’histoire de son pays en quelques minutes, en quelques heures, en sa vie, si ma mère s’était mariée au chrétien à la place et si leur fille aurait eu des aspects de moi moins mon père (si mes aspects sont poreux), si elle aurait été insouciante au point de se vernir les ongles, au point de tolérer la poussière flottante de tous ces cuticules inconnus dans les salons de manucure qui m’horripile, si elle l’aurait inhalée, si elle aurait déserté, comme moi, une fois contre son gré par ses parents et une deuxième de sa volonté, peut-être aurait-elle grandi en Australie avec un accent tripolitain en australien et un accent australien en arabe, peut-être qu’elle aurait eu l’air plus arabe que moi qui ressemble à une blanche
à cause des Ottomans, et plus de droits que moi convertie au chiisme pour ne pas que mes oncles sunnites m’arnaquent, peut-être qu’elle aurait suivi les désirs de ses parents parce qu’ils auraient été des parents qui s’aiment, qu’elle se serait occupée d’eux en rebours, que ma mère (qui ne serait plus ma mère) l’aurait aimée pour rien et elle n’aurait pas profité des ruptures pour avancer, elle aurait assuré ses arrières, elle aurait roulé ses R, elle n’aurait pas eu le chagrin de la distance inacceptable.

 

 

***

 

 

Avant après avant après : blablabla. Fermer ce courant d’air entre ces deux fenêtres et m’imaginer au milieu. Sans ce passé ni cet avenir, que suivre? Au milieu du couloir sidéré par la présence, je découvre le paysage immédiat, que l’inhospitalier fut un jour conçu par un architecte autrichien, Victor Gruen, inventeur du shopping mall, ou comment vivre une vie de voiture. La voiture est au centre de ma rue, la voiture est au centre de la ville, la voiture est au centre de l’écologie et au centre du point de fuite et mes yeux marchent à côté. À Beyrouth, la voiture est au centre du trottoir ce qui m’oblige à me promener au milieu de la route au risque de me faire écraser. Un cheval échevelé pleure les villages rasés par ses galopins les bulldozers. Le sabotage est le seul mouvement que me lègue ma mère. La crème dans les yeux, je me brouille la vision. Il est vain d’anticiper le vrillement du monde quand on vient de lui.

 

 

***

 

 

Le temps de l’urgence s’étire, dehors, rien ne presse. Les flocons se leurrent par terre, le chien attaché fixe la vitre du café et matérialise sa maîtresse caressant un verre de carton. Je repasse le rapt de mes muscles. Vue de l’extérieur, je suis totale, en membres, cliente, complète, alhamdulillah.

On aurait aimé pouvoir rebrancher les vieilles télés pour transduire ce qui nous hante; la fréquence-monstre, antenne enfouie dans le signal des nerfs, électro-myogramme, comme personne ne nous a touché après la peau des peaux. Je m’élance devant un rien. Mon cerveau enclave dans le gant de mon corps. Serpent calé dans le calcium, sève des autoroutes grillées s’effraie son chemin dans les parcs vides et enneigés, fantôme dans l’asile de glace, les raccourcis accumulent la densité tout en muant le temps, les mémoires renouvellent les associations pour atterrir sur la même image, finale, opaque, obscène.

 

 

***

 

 

Ma psy elle me dit de rester, qu’il y a une place pour moi ici. Elle dit que si je m’habille mieux, j’aurai une meilleure image de soi, mais c’est le dénué que je recherche. Elle insiste, elle me dit insiste, qu’une chose mène vers une autre : un mascara, un petit col Mao, des bottes de style équestre (elle sait que je hais les froufrous) elle voit en moi la femme du catalogue Zara, une femme modérée sur une terrasse ensoleillée. Je suis bête de ne pas insister la vie. Je m’engramme dans la fugue, greffe revomie, je ne porte rien pour ne plus penser, parce que tout va avec tout aujourd’hui, même le moche avec le moche.

 

Comment ne pas être déception.
déception de ma langue
de ses papilles du brouhaha du silence affairé des
tasses de café s’entre-trinquant
trr-q-trr-trr / q-trr-trr
voulant dire on est entre nous, plus proches qu’on ne le
croit et notre friction produit une musique même si elle
n’est pas ce que l’on entend en premier.
déception de mon corps et ses orifices interchangés
et de ma fenêtre qui devient miroir quand c’est là-bas
que je vois dans la ruelle d’ici

 

Ma psy qui m’a dit de rester, finalement, c’est elle qui est partie. Peut-être qu’à travers moi elle réglait son syndrome de l’immigrant, elle avait l’air convaincu de son affaire et comme j’aimais qu’elle m’encourage autant, je suis restée, pour elle. Elle m’a vendu la place. Le Québec, c’est pas raciste comme la France, en France on n’est jamais à sa place comme Libanaise, même après 25 ans.

Ici, c’est moi qui déplace le Québec. C’est de ça qu’on m’accuse, même si c’est moi qui ai fait le plus long trajet. Tout le monde est mal à l’aise ici parce qu’on a confondu le mal de l’origine avec l’origine du mal. L’Occident réussit à m’enseigner les appellations sans savoir m’en extirper : patriarcat systémique, misogynie intériorisée. Il y a des choses que l’on nomme pour ne pas les éradiquer.

Je ne contiens plus le folklore, l’essence du folklore est le geste, le bras qui guide le mets vers l’autre, la main qui invite à entrer, le doigt qui pointe vers la création, le pain qui en cuillère ramasse. Je suis mal ici et je suis une ingrate. Je suis ingrate par mon vécu qui dépasse la taille du contenu local, par mes peurs irremplaçables qui donnent peur, je n’avance pas au rythme des consciences, moralisatrice sans vraie sagesse, je suis ingrate de ne pas oublier ce qui ne m’est rendu et de savoir que ce qui me suce a ses racines ici, poisse de dinosaure, l’ingratitude comme tatouage, je sais qu’un peuple peut être plus grand que son pays, je ne veux pas de cette carte postale, je suis ingrate parce que nous pourrions nous soulever, réparer, rétablir, nourrir, loger, embrasser, reboiser, il y a tant de travail à faire et je reste ingrate, ingrate, ingrate, et je reste incapable de pire.

 

 

***

 

 

Dans certaines histoires, quelqu’un vient d’un ailleurs qui est le quelque part de quelqu’un qui est l’autre d’un. Dans d’autres, quelqu’un vient de quelque part qui est l’ailleurs d’un autre qui est le quelqu’un d’un. Cela dépend du centre, cela dépend du point de fuite.

Souvent on me demande si je me suis déjà faite dire que je n’avais pas l’air arabe et c’est comme ça qu’on me drague. On aime pointer les différences en espérant créer du lien. C’est peut-être cette petite manie transposée à grande échelle qui se traduit en guerre. Toutes les choses minuscules deviennent mauvaises en grossissant. Les concombres par exemple. En écrivant, on peut boucher des nids de poule.

Ma mère aime les ambitieuses, mais moi je nourris le ver en moi. Elle dit que mon problème c’est que je n’ai pas assez de défis dans ma vie. C’est pas ma faute si quand j’ai sauté du nid trop jeune, c’est passé comme du beurre. Il y a des mouvements qui te font écoper toute ta vie : le tôt d’intérêt, les hoquets syncopés, les seins, tu ne retrouves plus jamais ta première mélodie. Le ver en moi n’a pas grandi dans les délais; larve, asticot, limace, escargot, dans un corps qui ne rampe pas. Mon ver pleure les larmes primordiales qui demandent des yeux pour fixer l’image, des bras pour stabiliser la pesanteur, de la voix pour chuchoter l’existence. Pleure dans mon corps vieux de trente-huit ans, je dois tout arrêter pour te nourrir. Il fait de moi une errante dans un monde organisé, je suis enceinte de ce dont je ne suis pas mère, il houle remplis-moi de moi.

J’ai vu ma mère pleurer des jours des mois des années tellement, j’ai inventé le lit d’eau pour ne pas me faire inonder. Parfois elle m’apparaît comme une grande soeur, parfois une jumelle, deux poissons dans le même bocal, des oncles aux regards indécents, elle pleure et elle darde en même temps, elle ne me laisse pas lui dire à quel point je l’aime, elle veut le contrôle, donc ne pas recevoir, mon amour est une comète qui se dirige vers elle. Il y a des choses belles à ravager. Je cherche la petite en elle, j’essaie de lui tenir la main mais elle réclame des bras, et les miens n’ont pas poussé. Je demande à l’aimer farouche et elle demande de m’aimer cannibale. Je me jette dans la gueule de ma louve, parce que les femmes sont cyclopéennes quand elles se tirent vers le bas.

 

 

***

 

 

Chaque vie évolue dans un tupperware, nos systèmes sont faits comme ça. Il y a des tupperwares qu’on ne rend plus, il y a des tupperwares qui ont perdu le couvercle et qui deviennent des trous béants, il y a des tupperwares qui sainement voyagent de foyer en foyer parce que nous nous sommes assurés de ne jamais les redonner vides. Il y a des montagnes de tupperwares qu’on a oubliées dans des armoires de festivals de cinéma documentaire, chaque tupperware représente un délestage, comme quand on filme le réel.

 

 

***

 

 

Il n’y a pas beaucoup d’action dans ce texte, comme il n’y a pas beaucoup d’action dans le monde. En vérité, il y en a trop, mais il y a des canaux qui la ralentissent. Sans quoi on aurait été en famille.

La plupart de l’action s’est déroulée la première moitié de ma vie, ensuite, je me suis figée, mais l’action tourne encore dans ma cervelle comme un film qu’on ne peut plus louer. Il ne me reste qu’à l’écrire. Croire en l’écriture comme une videuse de tuyaux, alors que quand je lisais, je rêvais d’écrire pour remplir les sillons des autres. Écrire comme un enfantement menstrué, c’est ce qu’il me reste, écrire comme un départ inhumain.

 

 

***

 

 

J’ai vu ma mère inviter pas pour recevoir, mais pour survivre. J’étais mieux entourée au milieu du désert. Ici, l’éloignement est sacré, tu m’aimes mieux quand je te laisse tranquille, ton pouvoir affectif réside dans la distanciation active, je recherche ton amour que tu gardes loin de moi et je ferais mieux de rester comme ça.

Il y a beaucoup de plats qui se mangent froids : hindbeh, mtabbal, loubieh bzeit, la mouche embobinée, t’attendre, mon futur.

 

    Ma mère peut -elle parler ? — إمّي فيها تحكي؟

    Mirna Abiad-Boyadjian Nadia Abiad

    Nadia

     

    إلى ابنتَيّ الاثنتين
    لم أرغب يومًا في أن أروي لكما قصتي. طوال تلك السنوات حاولت أن أخفي عنكما جزءًا صعبًا من حياتي، لكن القدر شاء أن تقرآ هذه الشهادة. كان ذلك في عام 2020. لم أكن أريد أن أحزنكما… لأن الأمور أحيانًا لا تسير كما نتمنى

     

    Mes chères filles,
    Je n’ai jamais voulu vous raconter mon histoire. Durant toutes ces années, j’ai essayé de vous cacher une partie difficile de ma vie, mais le destin a voulu que vous lisiez ce témoignage. C’était en 2020. Je ne voulais pas vous attrister… car parfois, les choses ne se passent pas comme on le souhaite.

     

    بدأ ألمي في طفولتي في بيروت عام 1967 عندما كنت في العاشرة من عمري. في تلك السنة، تم إخراجي من المدرسة لأعمل، أنظف، وأقوم بالتوصيل عند فايزة، الخياطة في حينا. في وقت الظهيرة، كنت أمر قرب المدرسة فقط لأرى أصدقائي في الساحة، لأنني كنت أفتقدهم كثيرًا

     

     

    Ma souffrance a commencé durant mon enfance à Beyrouth en 1967 quand j’avais dix ans. L’année où on m’a retirée de l’école pour aller travailler : nettoyer et faire des livraisons chez Faïza, la couturière de mon quartier. Le midi, je passais près de l’école, seulement pour voir mes ami.e.s dans la cour parce qu’iels me manquaient.

     

    ولا زلت أتساءل حتى اليوم من المسؤول عن كل هذا؟ كيف كانت ستكون حياتي لو أنني حصلت على
    التعليم؟ التعليم هو السلاح الأقوى الذي يمكنكم استخدامه لتغيير العالم، كما قال نيلسون مانديلا

     

    Je me demande encore aujourd’hui. Qui est responsa-ble de tout cela ? Qu’aurait été ma vie si j’avais eu une éducation ? L’éducation est l’arme la plus puissante que vous puissiez utiliser pour changer le monde, comme le disait  Nelson Mandela.

     

    مرت السنوات وجاءت الحرب إلى بلدنا، للأسف. وتفرّقت عائلتنا. غادرتُ لبنان وجئتُ مع والدكما إلى كندا عام 1977. في ذلك الوقت، لم أكن أعرف لا القراءة ولا الكتابة بالفرنسية ولا بالإنجليزية

     

     

    Les années sont passées et la guerre est arrivée dans notre pays, malheureusement. Notre famille a été dispersée. J’ai quitté le Liban et je suis venu avec votre père au Canada en 1977. À cette époque, je ne savais ni écrire ni lire le francais et l’anglais.

     

     

    Mirna

    Nous sommes là, maintenant, nous deux.
    Je te revois il y a cinq ans.  Tu fouilles dans une boite remplie de papiers pour retrouver un document, je ne me souviens pas lequel, quand soudain tu me tends ce journal : « il y a mon témoignage » à l’intérieur.  Tu ne m’en dis pas plus, je ne te pose pas de question.

     

    Pendant plusieurs semaines, il restera sur le coin de ma table de travail, comme les livres que j’accumule mais que je ne suis pas prête à lire  — parce que j’ai peur de ce que l’intimité des mots ou de la voix peut faire et défaire, de déverser mes larmes, révéler ma honte ou tout ce que je m’efforce de contenir.

     

    Que peut ce témoignage ? Quelques feuilles 8 et demie par 11 amincies par le temps, jaunes et roses, brochées maladroitement.  Tes propos ont été recueillis, tes mots recomposés pour un témoignage qui paraîtra
    en octobre 1987 dans un journal tiré à 400 exemplaires.

     

    Ta vie se trouve entre un encadré sur la débrouillardise et une recette de « ragoût envoûtant ». En échange de quoi tu leur racontes ton histoire ? Le détruire. Par le feu, par l’eau ou le découper, tout pour me tenir à distance. Mais cette destruction, l’intensité du geste, me liera-t-elle d’autant plus à ce passé ? Je décide plutôt l’inverse.

     

    Les matins pauvres, je m’enregistre en train de lire le témoignage, d’un trait. Par la répétition, j’aspire à la banalité ; épuiser les mots de toute signification, au risque de l’indifférence, mais le blanc n’existe pas.

     

     

    j’habite ta voix
    tes silences                sont mes hésitations
    derrière les mots se cachent des morceaux de toi
    un corps sans retour
    le regard blessé

    tes mains
    je les imagine fatiguées
    de coudre de nettoyer de lutter
    de chercher l’horizon

    ton souffle me porte
    je recommence
    pour ne rien perdre
    qu’aucun soleil ne brûle tes mots

    des copies au bureau, à la maison
    dans une enveloppe le document original
    je le garde en lieu sûr
    scellé

    « la mémoire a des trous » je ne l’oublie pas

    je recommence
    et devance le jour

    pour ne pas m’en défaire
    j’enregistre ton témoignage

    dans une pièce sans écho
    j’habite ta voix
    Tes silences sont ma lutte

     

     

    Ces vies qui font résistance, se subtilisent au regard de l’autorité, performent le respect pour glisser entre les mailles. N’appartenir qu’au jour qui se lève, sachant que tout autre espoir est vain.

     

    Le 6 juin 2024, tu acceptes que je te filme en train de relire le témoignage, 40 ans plus tard.

     

     

    Nadia

    « Mon mari est désormais le seul à travailler pour subvenir aux besoins de notre petite famille. Huit mois plus tard, mon mari fut arrêté puis mis en prison (10 ans). Je me retrouve toute seule, sans revenu, avec mes deux filles. L’avocat de mon mari m’informe alors de la possibilité d’obtenir de l’aide sociale. Si je n’avais pas eu d’enfants j’aurais été travailler mais je devais m’occuper de mes jeunes enfants.

     

    Je suis allée au bureau d’aide sociale et je fus heureuse d’obtenir un soutien financier afin de pouvoir rester avec mes enfants. L’agent d’aide sociale m’informe que le CLSC peut m’envoyer une personne chez moi comme soutien moral et comme gardienne pendant que je vais visiter mon mari.

     

    Si je n’aurais pas eu de l’aide du BES, je crois bien  que j’aurais été obligée de retourner au Liban afin d’être aidée par ma famille et ainsi m’éloigner de mon mari.

     

    Assurément, il n’y a pas que des bonnes choses sur l’aide sociale… La suite le mois prochain ! »

     

     

    Mirna

    De ce passage choisi ensemble parce que tu m’as dit, il y a eu l’exil puis « cet événement qui a changé notre vie », je ne conserve que ton regard à la fois comme une intonation et une détonation. Un instant sans ailleurs et sans mémoire. Enfin.

     

    Je pense à toutes celles qui n’ont pas écrit. Leurs voix reposent bien quelque part.

     

    Tu m’apprends à regarder, à me tenir à côté d’une souffrance qui n’est pas tout à fait la mienne, et dont je redoute de moins en moins la venue. Je t’écoute, j’essaie. Je regrette d’avoir cru un jour que tu ne pouvais pas parler.

     

    Pourquoi écrire si ce n’est, avant toute chose, de savoir écouter ?

     

     

    Nadia

    Malgré le témoignage difficile, tu m’as demandé s’il y avait des mots ou des phrases que j’aimais.

     

    قال لي خطيبي
    سآعود لاحضارك
    وصلتني رسائل
    وحصل هو على أوراقه
    كان ذلك بلدًا جميلًا للعيش
    تزوّجنا
    سافرنا إلى كندا
    كنت حينها في الشهر الثالث من حملي
    كنا سعداء
    ذهبتُ إلى المدرسة لأتعلّم اللغة الفرنسية
    رزقتُ بطفلي الأول. فتاة جميلة

     

    mon fiancé m’a dit
    je reviendrai te chercher
    j’ai reçu des lettres
    il a reçu ses papiers
    c’était un pays agréable à vivre
    on s’est mariés
    on s’envole vers le Canada
    je suis alors enceinte de 3 mois
    on est content
    je suis allée à l’école pour apprendre le français
    j’ai eu mon premier enfant
    c’est une belle fille

     

    قررنا أن نبقى في كندا إلى الأبد
    انتقلنا إلى منزل جديد
    رزقتُ بطفلي الثاني
    فتاة صغيرة أخرى جميلة
    كنتُ سعيدة
    كيف سأعيش؟
    كنت أعتقد أنني بذلك سأتمكن من تأمين لقمة العيش
    من أجلي ومن أجل ابنتَيّ
    عدتُ لأعمل كخياطة
    رجعتُ إلى بيتي
    كنا نشتاق إلى بعضنا كثيرًا

     

    nous avions décidé de rester au Canada
    pour tout le temps
    nous avons déménagé
    j’ai eu une autre belle petite fille
    j’étais heureuse
    comment ferais-je pour vivre ?
    je pensais réussir ainsi à joindre les deux bouts
    pour mes deux filles et moi
    recommencer à travailler comme couturière
    de retour dans ma maison
    nous nous manquions beaucoup

     

    في الحقيقة، لا أحب أي كلمة، لأنها ليست بالضبط كلماتي. الكلمات التي أحبها تفتح عالماً. أما هذه، فتتركني بين عالمين

     

    En vérité, je n’aime aucun mot, car ils ne sont exactement les miens. Les mots que j’aime ouvrent un monde. Ceux-là me laissent entre deux mondes.

     

     

     

    Mirna

    De quel récit t’absentes-tu ? Sommes-nous la part obscure de l’Histoire, toi qui as toujours aimé la nuit, cet espace de l’amour, où la vie se prépare ?

     

    Nadia,
    c’est le nom d’une île
    c’est le nom d’une vague
    c’est le nom du vent

     

    Dehors, le ciel a sombré dans le silence de la terre. Le vent s’est levé. Il porte ta présence comme un mystère, sans début ni fin. En arabe — hawa / مهوا— ne désigne-t-il pas aussi celle qui donne la vie ? De nombreuses cultures accordent à cet élément un pouvoir spirituel en l’associant aux mondes plus-qu’humains, à l’âme de la  Terre, au souffle de la vie. Il est même parfois considéré comme une entité qui préexiste à la  Terre et dont il lui revient de prendre soin.

     

    Un jour, tu m’as dit : on ne peut se rendre maître du vent. Le vent, l’air en mouvement, est ce qui nous lie dans l’invisible commun. D’aussi longtemps que je me souvienne, tu as toujours chéri ce qui circule par et dans l’invisible, entre tous les vivants.

     

    De là vient peut-être ta capacité à poétiser le monde envers et contre tout : la violence que tu as subie.

     

    Tu es née dans les ruines. Malgré l’aridité du paysage et le poids des pierres, tout était à construire. Malgré l’essoufflement, tout est encore à construire. Ton pays. Corrompue.  Ta terre natale. Éventrée. Je sais que tu penses à eux. Sans cesse renaître – est une tâche qui ne peut s’accomplir seule. Je n’aurais pu espérer ta venue, en tout point magique, pour m’apprendre à sentir la vie sur  Terre et la  Terre vivante. Le caractère profondément inattendu de ses émergences. C’est toi qui m’as transmis shoshin, « l’esprit du débutant », pour percevoir les possibilités de vie dans les ruines. Aujourd’hui plus que jamais, je nourris cet héritage; ma liberté ( la nôtre ) en dépend. Shoshin n’est pas à confondre avec une disposition naïve, de fausse modestie ou de soumission. Non. L’esprit du débutant apprend à accueillir, à se retourner contre lui-même, à voir comment la vie s’offre à lui, à croire au monde… Il connaît peu, si ce n’est le péril de l’habit routinier.  Tu m’as offert une langue qu’aucune école n’enseigne. Nous sommes les vies rebelles.

     

     

    Que peut ce témoignage ?

     

     

    Il peut ce qu’il ne dit pas.

     

     

     

    Nadia

    Lecture en arabe du poème Une rime pour les Mu’allaqât de Mahmoud Darwich (1941-2008) :

     

     

    Qui suis-je ?
    C’est la question que les autres posent
    et elle est sans réponse
    Moi ?
    Je suis ma langue, moi
    Et je suis un, deux, dix poèmes suspendus
    Voici ma langue
    Je suis ma langue. Et je suis
    Ce que les mots ont dit
    Sois notre corps,
    et je fus un corps pour leur timbre
    Je suis ce que j’ai dit aux mots
    Soyez le confluent entre mon corps
    et l’éternité désert
    Soyez, que je sois selon ce que je dis
    Pas de terre au-dessus de la terre qui me porte
    Alors rues mots me portent
    Oiseau issu de moi, et qui construit le nid
    de son voyage devant moi,
    dans mes débris
    Dans les débris du merveilleux,
    autour de moi
    Sur un vent, je me suis dressé.
    Et ma longue nuit m’est interminable
    Voici ma langue,
    colliers d’étoiles aux cous de ceux que j’aime
    Ils sont partis
    Ils ont emporté le lieu
    Emporte le temps
    Efface leurs odeurs des jarres
    et de l’herbe avare.
    Partis
    Ils ont emporté les mots.

     

     

     

     

     

    ***

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    Enregistrement audio de la présentation : composition à deux voix de Mirna Abiad-Boyadjian et Nadia Boyadijan présentée le 6 mai 2025 lors du colloque Décoloniser la recherche-création : apports des approches féministes et des épistémologies du Sud global organisé par le Laboratoire d’art et de recherche décoloniaux (LabARD)

     

     

     

     

     

      Trottoirs de Beyrouth

      Majd al-Shihabi

      Je croise son regard et lui souris. Je passe devant lui, puis me retourne pour voir si ses yeux sont toujours fixés sur moi. Il nous fait discrètement signe, à mon ami et moi, de nous approcher. Son grand sourire est couronné d’une moustache soigneusement taillée — un style courant chez les hommes de tous âges en Syrie jusqu’à la fin des années 90, et qui persiste encore là-bas et dans certaines parties de l’Irak aujourd’hui. Mon ami et moi nous dépêchons le long de la corniche vers l’ouest1. Il est presque huit heures moins quart et on est presque à la mosquée d’Ain Mreisseh. Nous devons nous presser si nous voulons arriver en temps pour notre souper, prévu à vingt heures près de Manara. Se faire draguer par cet homme séduisant ne faisait pas partie de nos plans ce soir-là.

      Nous naviguons sur le large trottoir, dépassant les familles qui fument leurs narguilés sous les panneaux d’interdiction de narguilés affichés par la municipalité de Beyrouth. Une joggeuse vêtue en Lululemon de la tête au pieds nous dépasse à toute vitesse. Elle est beaucoup plus rapide que nous, malgré notre pas rapide. Devant l’ancien port de pêche, chacun à sa place habituelle, les pêcheurs sont alignés le long de la rambarde — que ( ou peut-être qui? ) vont-ils attraper ce soir? Nous ralentissons pour regarder l’un des adolescents plonger tête première (ou plutôt, faire un flat) dans l’eau, depuis la rambarde. De quelle hauteur? 20 mètres? La jeune femme assise par terre avec un nourrisson sur les genoux me demande encore si je veux lui acheter de la gomme, « pas cette fois ».

      Mon ami est palestinien, mais comme moi, il a vécu la majeure partie de sa vie ailleurs. Je profite de l’occasion pour lui expliquer comment fonctionne la drague sur la Corniche, ce trottoir exceptionnellement large de Beyrouth. Entre le bruit des vagues qui s’écrasent et la cacophonie de la circulation automobile, notre conversation est (heureusement) dissimulée et notre intimité préservée.

      Nous retenons notre souffle en passant devant l’égout qui déverse son contenu directement dans l’eau. Nous essayons de nous convaincre que ce sont des eaux pluviales, mais l’odeur insistante révèle le contraire. C’est encore l’hiver techniquement, et la plage de l’Université américaine de Beyrouth n’est pas encore officiellement ouverte. Mais en passant, nous nous assurons de bien regarder les hommes qui en ont pris possession, pratiquant leurs sports sur son sol de béton nu. Un jeune homme se cache derrière un énorme bouquet de ballons
      transparents enveloppés de lumières LED multicolores qu’il vend à des enfants qui chignent et à des couples en premier rendez-vous. On dirait le personnage d’un film de Miyazaki. Un couple noir est appuyé sur la rambarde, face à la mer, probablement pour éviter de croiser le balayage de regards des passants. Leurs propres regards oscillent entre eux deux et la mer. Le carrelage sous nos pieds délimite une voie pour cyclistes, mais ni les cyclistes ni les piétons ne la respectent. Miraculeusement, je n’ai encore jamais vu de collision grave.

      Nos yeux scrutent les gens de la corniche. Si mon ami et moi nous tenons la main, pouvons-nous passer pour des Syriens? Ou serons-nous repérés comme gays en premier? Voulons-nous risquer de nous mettre en danger? En pratique, je suis syrien, mais pas aux yeux des promeneurs de la corniche, je pense. Il est huit heures. Un autre soir, j’aurais accompagné mon ami sur les 4,8 kilomètres de ce trottoir. Nous aurions absorbé toutes les rencontres qu’il rend possible. Mais ce soir, nous montons dans le bus numéro 15 et roulons jusqu’à la Manara. Mille livres chacun, c’est notre tarif. C’était un prix raisonnable à l’époque, avant la crise économique de 2019.

      Le 17 octobre2 arrive et la place est barricadée, occupée pour les manifestations. Soudainement, la corniche n’est plus le seul espace public de la ville. Le centre-ville, maintenant restauré sous son nom original, دلبلا طسو, se transforme pour passer d’un réseau de rues enchevêtrées en un vaste réseau de trottoirs. Même la route circulaire, normalement une autoroute urbaine congestionnée, devient un trottoir (et parfois un salon, quand les manifestants bloquent la route et l’aménagent pour en faire usage). Toutes les activités qui appartenaient autrefois à la corniche se déroulent maintenant ici aussi. Le commerce, les loisirs, et même le jogging — d’avant en arrière, entre les gaz lacrymogènes et les lignes que forme la police.

       

       

      Photo by @Sanaakhouri(twitter), 2019.

       

       

      Et bien sûr, il y a la drague. Il y a tellement de drague, parce que nous sommes si nombreux en première ligne. Sur un boîtier de branchement téléphonique, sous la route circulaire et en face de la cathédrale catholique arménienne, quelqu’un a peint à la bombe aérosol une déclaration : « طول موق ةروث », qui veut dire « Révolution des Sodomites ». Je n’arrive pas à déchiffrer si l’artiste (oui, quiconque a fait ce graffiti est un.e artiste) déclare ainsi sa propre sexualité? Ou si cette déclaration est censée ridiculiser les manifestant.es? Ou peut-être est-ce un mélange des deux?

      Dans son livre «Unsettling the City», Nicholas Blomley considère de telles interventions publiques comme des supplications. Cette déclaration est-elle en fait aussi une supplication? Est-ce un souhait pour une Rébellion de Stonewall beyrouthine qui remplacerait la Parade des fiertés beyrouthine avortée à répétition depuis quelques années? Un souhait pour le renouvellement de l’équilibre fragile des relations sociales qui a façonné la ville jusqu’à présent?

      L’emplacement de cette supplication se trouve dans l’une des zones très passantes de la ville. Sous le pont circulaire, entourée d’autoroutes et des Van 4 rapides3, elle se situe dans un lieu extrêmement hostile aux piéton.ne.s. Les manifestant.es ont pendant quelques jours transformé le centre-ville en un espace de circulation piétonne, remplaçant la circulation automobile. Ils ont ralenti la circulation des personnes et des matériaux dans le tissu urbain, et nous ont forcés à regarder et à lire la ville autrement. La supplication reconstitue le passage souterrain comme un espace d’engagement plus lent. Elle nous invite à la voir, et en retour, elle nous voit. D’une certaine manière, c’est une réimagination de la citoyenneté urbaine, transformée loin de sa fonction prévue, et réanimée par un espace de possibilités.

      Les trottoirs sont un espace unique dans la ville : ils constituent un tampon au rythme humain, se dressant entre les bâtiments statiques (même si à Beyrouth les bâtiments sont démolis et changent très rapidement), et la vitesse motorisée de la rue (même si à Beyrouth, la circulation est parfois plus lente que la circulation piétonne). Les piétons, qui utilisaient toute la largeur de la rue il n’y a pas si longtemps, sont poussés vers ses marges. L’espace marginal qui reste est précieux : il nous permet, à nous humains, fait de chair, nous déplaçant à moins d’un mètre par seconde, avec nos cerveaux traitant l’information encore plus lentement, de nous rencontrer.

      À l’autre extrémité du spectre d’utilisation des trottoirs se trouve une autre ville méditerranéenne avec une relation conflictuelle à l’eau qui l’a créée : Venise. Dépourvue de véhicules motorisés, Venise n’a que des trottoirs. Quand vous utilisez vos pieds pour vous déplacer dans la ville, elle se révèle avec une familiarité et une intimité instantanées. Le trottoir vous attire dans le tissu de la ville, et vous berce pendant que vous la découvrez. Les rencontres humaines intimes sont la norme, parfois même de manière agaçante. Mais les trottoirs de Beyrouth — là où ils existent en premier lieu — sont réputés inutilisables. Il n’est pas inhabituel de voir des parents qui ont choisi de pousser la poussette de leur enfant sur la rue plutôt que sur le trottoir. Des scènes
      de solidarité, d’étrangers s’aidant mutuellement à gravir les bordures impossiblement hautes, sont monnaie courante.

      Mais je me demande parfois si la ville fait intentionnellement de notre fonction la plus basique, marcher d’un lieu vers un autre, une lutte continue. La ville veut-elle que nous faire souffrir pour précipiter la révolte? Les trottoirs sont-ils encombrés d’obstacles pour nous
      inciter à l’entraide? Ou sont-ils plutôt une punition, suivant la même logique par laquelle la ville prive ses nombreux habitants vulnérables — Palestiniens, réfugiés, migrants — comme si elle cherchait cruellement à leur infliger la misère?

      Si les trottoirs sont une infrastructure de soin, leur absence à Beyrouth indique-t-elle une négligence malveillante?

       

      ***

       

      La place de la révolution et la corniche sont reliées par une série de trottoirs peu ou pas entretenus.

      Je reprends la route circulaire vers l’ouest, et je marche sur un trottoir qui chevauche l’accotement d’une autoroute urbaine à trois voies d’un côté, et une zone militaire hautement restreinte de l’autre. Ici, je me
      rappelle que cette collection éclectique de parkings, de bâtiments maladroitement restaurés, et de maisons de luxe est aussi ce qui était autrefois le quartier juif de Beyrouth. Je passe — comme l’un des rares piétons qui osent marcher le long du même trajet que les Van 4 — et je ressens le vide laissé par l’absence de ceux qui vivaient ici il n’y a pas si longtemps. Je me demande : quelles rencontres auraient pu se produire sur ce trottoir, mais qui ne pourront jamais avoir lieu?

      Il y a une absence qui résulte de l’évacuation /expulsion des Juifs de Beyrouth. Une rupture du tissu urbain, maintenant principalement des parkings. Nous ne saurons jamais quelles rencontres nous manqueront dans cette rue.

       

      ***

       

      Qu’il s’agisse de rencontres révolutionnaires ou d’une rencontre sexuelle clandestine (elle-même révolutionnaire à sa manière), les trottoirs nous accordent la possibilité de nous voir. En tant que tels, ils fonctionnent comme des infrastructures de soin. Dans un monde où l’automobile a accéléré notre séparation, où chaque personne est isolée dans sa machine de mort climatisée faite de verre et de métal montée sur quatre roues, nous réservons une marge entre les bâtiments où nous pouvons marcher sans trop de craintes. Le trottoir nous rappelle que nous ne sommes pas seul.es. Il nous dit que, en principe au moins, le plan urbain a étendu cette marge d’espace entre le bâtiment statique et la route dynamique pour nous permettre de nous déplacer à une vitesse humaine. Pour nous rencontrer. Pour échanger des regards, pour nous tenir la main, et occasionnellement pour nous retourner et trouver l’autre homme qui regarde en arrière, avec un intérêt confirmé, pour vous4.

       

      1. [N.D.É.] La Corniche est une promenade en bord de mer située dans le quartier central de Beyrouth et surplombant la mer Méditerranée.
      2. [N.D.É.] Les manifestations libanaises débutant le 17 octobre 2019 et s’entendant jusqu’en 2021, appelées aussi Thaoura (qui signifie « révolution », en arabe), se sont déroulées au niveau national, en réponse à l’échec du gouvernement à trouver une solution à la crise économique qui menace alors le Liban depuis près d’un an. Les contestations interviennent peu après l’annonce de nouveaux impôts sur l’essence, le tabac et les appels en ligne par le biais d’applications comme WhatsApp. Voir « Lebanon scraps WhatsApp tax as protests rage », BBC, 18 octobre 2019. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-50095448 Treize jours après le début du mouvement, le président du Conseil des ministres Saad Hariri annonce sa démission et celle de son gouvernement. Voir également : Hajar Alem & Nicolas Dot-Pouillard, « Aux racines économiques du soulèvement libanais », Le Monde diplomatique, 1er janvier 2020.
      3. [N.D.É.] Minibus
      4. Ce texte a été initialement publié en 2022 par The Derrivative, une publication semestrielle en ligne basée à Beyrouth. https://thederivative.org/

      Résistance(s) — Entretien avec Farès Chalabi

      Farès Chalabi le merle

      Farès Chalabi pense avec le cinéma, l’architecture et la philosophie dans le Liban d’après-guerre. Ses travaux abordent l’art et l’esthétique comme moyen d’expérimentation et de résistance1.

      Le Merle

      En guise d’introduction, pourrais-tu nous raconter comment s’est effectué, pour ta pensé, le passage entre architecture et philosophie?

      Farès Chalabi

      Avec ma formation d’architecte, j’avais commencé par enseigner l’histoire de l’art et la culture du design, puis de fil en aiguille j’ai lu les Cinéma I et Cinéma II de Gilles Deleuze, qui sont à la base de la théorie de l’image que j’enseigne et que je pratique. Pour Deleuze, une image capture un mouvement vivant et consiste donc en une structuration précise d’un bloc d’espace-temps. Après avoir enseigné un cours sur l’art et la guerre au Liban, j’ai réalisé que les artistes d’après-guerre décrivent des manières de vivre en temps de guerre, des blocs espaces-temps propres à la guerre. Ils créent des images qui capturent des manières de voir, de témoigner, de parler, de sentir, etc. dans le contexte de la guerre. Et là, j’ai suivi le travail de Walid Sadek, au début. Au fait, c’est lui qui m’a passé quelques textes, comme ça, par hasard, et je me suis dit: c’est très intéressant, voilà quelqu’un qui est en train de réfléchir à l’image comme mouvements vivants dans le contexte de guerre.

      lm

      On retrouve cette idée dans le concept d’image sectaire que tu as présenté lors du Colloque Littérature, art et monde contemporain, à l’Université Saint-Joseph à Beyrouth en mai 2014. En parlant des oeuvres, tu disais alors : « Il s’agit d’affirmer le devenir et la vie, même la vie qui se développe en temps de guerre civile prolongée… “la vie crie à la mort”, reprenant cette expression à Deleuze, tu ajoutes, dans ce cri il y a une force qui devient visible ». Dans quelles circonstances as-tu élaboré ce concept?

      fc

      J’ai commencé à penser à l’image sectaire quand je suis rentré au Liban vers 2010-11. Il y avait un petit groupe d’artistes autour de 98 weeks, un projet de recherche et espace artistique fondé par Marwa et Mirene Arsanios en 2007. Je fréquentais et prenais part à de ce milieu. J’ai écrit mon premier texte dans un magazine que Mirene avait créé, How to Make Nice Things Happen. Le texte en question, The Idiots ( Les idiots ) décrivait un peu la scène de la production culturelle au Liban autour du concept de l’idiot, c’est-à-dire celui qui veut faire la chose tout seul, avec ses propres moyens. C’était une lecture de ce que faisaient des groupes comme 98 weeks, Samandal, Irtijal, Ashkal Alwan, etc. Au Liban, il y a plein d’initiatives privées qui s’approprient un sujet par préférence — du style : on aime la BD, donc on fait un groupe. Pour 98 weeks, c’était l’art contemporain et la recherche, donc elles ont fait un groupe. Irtijal, c’était la musique expérimentale, ils ont fait un groupe. Je me suis intéressé un peu à ça. C’est dans ce contexte-là que Walid Sadek m’a donné ses textes. Je me suis mis à les lire et ça m’a intéressé parce que ça abordait des enjeux spécifiques au contexte libanais. J’ai ensuite commencé à écrire quelques textes, dont la conférence que tu évoques et par laquelle j’essayais de comparer le montage américain et un montage qui serait propre au Liban — un montage filmique qui caractériserait d’un côté les grandes démocraties, et d’un autre, ce que j’appelle le système sectaire.

      Coupures actuelles

      lm

      Peux-tu nous en dire plus sur cette spécificité du
      contexte libanais?

      fc

      Oui. Déjà le contexte, moi je le divise en trois phases : il y a la phase 1982-1989, qui pour moi est sous le signe de Maroun Bagdadi — cinéaste libanais (1950-1993). En fait ça, c’est un espace-temps qui est «hectic», complètement chaotique, et qui correspond au jeu d’alliance et de permutation qu’entretenaient les milices à l’époque. Parce qu’après 1982, dans les histoires qui circulent le plus, notamment celles de Fawwaz Traboulsi et des marxistes, c’était un peu la fin de la guerre parce que la guerre idéologique ou portée par des principes idéologiques du style «abattre le capitalisme», «libérer la Palestine», etc. était finie avec la défaite du groupe de gauche. Alors pour Bagdadi et ses amis marxistes, incluant Fawwaz Traboulsi (c’était le même groupe), ce qui se passe après 1982, c’est le déchaînement chaotique des jeux de pouvoir, sans principes, juste pour acquérir du pouvoir. Là, on a un espace-temps divisé, fragmenté, où il y a beaucoup d’événements qui ne mènent nulle part. Il y a des explosions, des kidnappings, mais ça ne va nulle part puisqu’on te kidnappe… et après on te libère suivant les permutations de pouvoir, etc. Donc pour moi, Bagdadi, avec ses films, montre cet espace-temps : un espace fragmenté, un temps non chronologique, des événements qui ne s’accumulent pas, etc.

      La deuxième phase c’est la fin de la guerre, marquée par le projet de reconstruction de Rafic Hariri. Dans cette phase nous assistons à une mutation de la coupure, du cut, et du type de montage, en comparaison avec les années 1982 – 1992. Au fait, pour moi, ce qui caractérise l’image sectaire c’est ce que j’appelle la coupure actuelle (actual cut), c’est-à-dire qu’on coupe dans le réel. Par exemple, je marche dans la rue, on me kidnappe, ou je marche dans la rue, il y a une explosion. On passe dans le réel d’une réalité “A”, quotidienne et normale, à une réalité “B” qui n’est ni quotidienne ni normale. Le Liban est structuré sur ce type de coupure actuelle. La coupure actuelle dans la phase d’après-guerre, la phase Hariri spécifiquement, consiste en une coupure qui va refouler toute la guerre, faire comme si elle n’avait jamais existé. Donc, faire comme si tout est propre. On connaît, au niveau politique, la machinerie qui a été mise en place pour bien tout détruire, et finalement tout nettoyer : faire du remblai avec, littéralement — et ça n’est pas juste pour faire macabre — mais littéralement, avec des cadavres qui se retrouvent sous de nouvelles constructions du côté du port et du centre-ville. Donc ça, ça a créé une coupure entre le souvenir et le vécue toujours présents de la guerre et le projet tout neuf de Hariri. C’est à ce moment que s’amorce la phase des artistes contemporains, de l’art contemporain libanais, dont certain.es sont devenu.es assez connu.es. Je pense à Walid Raad, Walid Sadek, Joana Hadjithomas et Khalil Joreige, Lamia Joreige, Akram Zaatari, et bien d’autres…

      lm

      Rania Stephan, Lina Saneh et Rabih Mroué, Mazen Kerbaj, etc.

      fc

      Oui, il y a tous ces gens. Pour moi, si on regarde le film, par exemple, de Danielle Arbid, Seule avec la guerre (2000), là on voit clairement dans ces documentaires des miliciens qui hallucinent parce qu’ils ont tous leurs souvenirs de guerre, et ils regardent autour d’eux et il n’y a plus de guerre. Ça crée une sorte d’état où on est dans deux réalités qui co-existent; où il y a toute la guerre qui est refoulée dans la mémoire et on fait comme si de rien n’était. Walid Sadek parle de ça dans son travail. Il va investir ce moment d’après-guerre, en montrant comment la mémoire et la perception fonctionnent dans ce moment-là. Un des exemples qu’il donne, c’est que la mémoire doit être une mémoire d’excavation, et ça, il le fait sur le projet de Sanayeh Garden Art Meeting, dans l’oeuvre qui s’appelle Half-Man (1995). En fait, Sadek est invité à réaliser une oeuvre d’art pour le jardin Sanayeh. Pour lui, ce jardin, c’est d’abord là où il y a eu des pendaisons pas très légales, à la limite de la légalité. Une de ces pendaisons étant celle d’un type qui s’appelle Tarraf. Pour Sadek, il faut faire remonter à la surface le poids de cette guerre qu’on a essayé d’ensevelir. Il y a le poids de la guerre qui est enseveli sous le projet Hariri, si l’on veut. Plus généralement, l’une des tâches de l’artiste est de détecter ce poids dans le quotidien. Il y a le poids des kidnappés. On a kidnappé des gens qui ne sont jamais revenus. C’est un poids. C’est palpable. On sent la gravité dans l’atmosphère. Je pense que Walid Sadek, il a su rendre palpable cette matière — cette matière en excès qui est là.

      Excessive Witness

      lm

      Est-ce le concept d’Excessive Witness participe de la gravité de cette phase, de cette atmosphère dont tu parles?

      fc

      Walid Sadek développe ce concept lorsqu’il analyse la guerre de 2006. Étant donné que le régime sectaire est bien zoné — inscrit à même la géographie de la ville. Il y a la zone Hezbollah qui n’est pas la zone Kataeb, qui n’est pas la zone Hariri, etc. Sachant que ces zones sont assez proches, que Beyrouth est un patchwork. Dans une grande zone, par exemple, on en retrouve trois ou quatre plus petites, et ainsi de suite. Cette organisation politique du territoire, après l’assassinat de Hariri, a fait en sorte que lors des bombardements israéliens, les personnes qui se trouvaient dans des zones proches ou connexes pouvaient témoigner. Certain.es ont pu entendre, voir les bombardements depuis les zones épargnées, en se sachant en sécurité. Ça, c’est une structure perceptive. C’est-à-dire que cette intrication de zones, ce découpage politique spécifique à Beyrouth, est indispensable pour pouvoir s’asseoir sur son balcon et, tout en étant impliqué.e, regarder le quartier d’en face qui reçoit les bombes. Cette idée n’a rien à voir avec du cynisme ou de la méchanceté… de regarder la guerre depuis son balcon — ça n’est pas, disons, un truc privé, de psychologie individuelle ou du chacun pour soi. C’est plutôt la structure de l’espace-temps qui rend possible cette expérience, que vous soyez compatissant ou pas avec ce qui se passe.

      Sadek dit : voilà, dans cette situation politique, on peut être témoin, on peut voir avec nos oreilles, et entendre avec nos yeux, etc. C’est un genre de témoignage excessif. Pour clore sur ça, si vous voulez, dans les bombardements de la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale, les carpet bombing, qui ont rasé, disons l’Allemagne, comme dans Allemagne année zéro (1948) de Rosselini, il n’y a pas d’excessive witness, ni pendant ni après les bombardements. Tout le monde est soumis aux bombardements. C’est-à-dire que les guerres mondiales, qui n’ont pas une structure sectaire, ce sont des guerres où tout le pays est soumis à la guerre, comme à Londres ou en Allemagne. Et par suite, personne ne peut être dans cette position où il est sur place et en sécurité, tout en témoignant de la guerre. C’est ça un peu la spécificité que je pioche dans les écrits de Toufic, de Sadek, etc.

      lm

      Est-ce en lien à la notion de temps labyrinthique qui revient chez plusieurs auteur.es et artistes libanais.es depuis 2006 pour décrire Beyrouth?

      fc

      Le temps labyrinthique, c’est un peu différent. Lorsqu’il y a destruction, ce qui s’ouvre c’est un espace labyrinthique — une mémoire ou un temps qui correspond à cet espace. Parce que quand tout est détruit… Comme on peut le voir dans le film de Hadjithomas et Joreige, Je veux voir (2008), avec Catherine Deneuve et Rabih Mroué. Rabih n’arrive plus à retrouver sa maison, il croit qu’elle est là, puis il dit: «Ma maison était là ou peut-être est-elle là-bas, ou ici ?» Et c’est un peu ça l’espace labyrinthique. C’est un espace où on ne sait plus où on est. Quand on est dedans, on se croit dehors, on ne sait plus si on est dans la maison ou dehors, vu qu’elle est à moitié détruite. Ce qui est loin devient proche, ce qui est proche devient lointain. Il y a toute une description très précise, documentée par Jalal Toufic, qui lui, a décrit le labyrinthe. C’est un de ses topos, un des lieux du réel tel que le conçoit Toufic. Il y a le labyrinthe qui n’est pas juste le labyrinthe de la destruction, mais qui est en fait un labyrinthe qui accompagne la condition de mortalité dans laquelle Adam a été jeté. Pour Toufic, le labyrinthe de la destruction — disons de la guerre civile ou des lieux où il y a de la terreur — reproduit le labyrinthe métaphysique, mais qui est pour lui très réel, le labyrinthe, on va dire biblique, le lieu où les hommes sont jetés depuis la chute d’Adam; depuis le moment où il a mangé le fruit et qu’il est mort sur le coup, qu’il est devenu mort et vivant à la fois. Donc ça, c’est pour le temps et l’espace labyrinthiques qui bien sûr peuvent se trouver dans l’expérience des bombardements de 2006. D’ailleurs, Lamia Joreige a fait un essai vidéo, Nights and Days (2007), sur le temps d’attente et de perte où elle ne sait plus quoi faire pendant les bombardements de 2006 et qui peut illustrer le temps labyrinthique.

      Métastabilité et système sectaire

      lm

      Comment prend forme le Liban comme structure
      métastable à travers les phases que tu décris?

      fc

      Oui. En fait, la structure métastable c’est un thème qui vient, si je ne me trompe pas, presque littéralement de Fawwaz Traboulsi dans A History of Modern Lebanon (2007). Il dit que le Liban a été conçu par Gouraud, le préposé français du mandant sur le Liban. Gouraud a dit que la meilleure façon de contrôler le Moyen-Orient était de créer plusieurs grosses entités métastables, qui sont en équilibres, mais bon, à peine, pas trop… Et la métastabilité viendrait, dans le cas du Liban, du fait d’avoir une sécurité alimentaire, donc d’avoir annexé la vallée de la Bekaa au Mont Liban. Donc ça, c’est la stabilité parce qu’il y avait eu la famine de 1910 -1911, et c’était encore présent lors de la construction du Grand Liban. Et le déséquilibre viendrait du fait qu’il y aurait une population mixte, avec l’annexion les villes musulmanes, dont Saïda, Beyrouth et Tripoli, au Mont Liban. Bekaa + Mont Liban + les villes musulmanes : vous avez là une entité métastable vu que la démographie n’est pas homogène.

      Le Liban en tant que système sectaire est une idée que je prends à Mahdi Amel dans Theory in Political Practice: Research in the Causes of the Lebanese Civil War. Il dit que le Liban est un système hybride. Vous avez d’un côté un système bancaire très avancé pour l’époque, dans les années 1940-50 et 60, très avancé et qui est censé devenir la banque de l’argent saoudien, enfin de l’argent du Golfe […] D’ailleurs les bureaux de Aramco, se trouvaient dans le quartier Hamra, à Beyrouth, c’est-à-dire les bureaux et les écoles de ceux qui exploitent le pétrole dans le golfe. Ces gens vivaient surtout à Beyrouth. D’ailleurs, c’est pour ça qu’il y a l’International School, IC, et AUB (American University of Beirut), qui a pris son essor avec ça, etc. Vous avez d’un côté les écoles, les services, les hôtels, les banques, et d’un autre côté — pour que ça reste métastable — il faut que le système parlementaire soit confessionnel. C’est ça qui fait le système sectaire. Vous avez une section très avancée, du style banque, et une section très archaïque, du style les confessions dont on a héritées… le leadership confessionnel qui vient, en fait, d’une strate qui, d’après Amel, remonte aux Turcs. […] Et ça, ça crée un système sectaire en deux sections. C’est guerre / civile, enfin. Ce sont les confessions, les archaïsmes d’un côté, les banques de l’autre. C’est, je pense, une formule qui peut marcher sur toutes les colonies. En Arabie Saoudite, vous avez la pétrochimie et les tribus, ou le wahhabisme, et là-bas, ça marche. Ça permet une exploitation durable.

      lm

      Donc, dans l’après Hariri, une nouvelle coupure s’est produite vers une autre phase?

      fc

      Je m’étais arrêté à la deuxième phase. C’était la
      phase «répression / mémoire» avec Sadek, Raad, les gens que j’ai cités. Et je pense que dans cette phase, où c’était surtout le poids mnésique de la guerre qui était présent en contraste avec le projet de reconstruction de Hariri. Je pense que ce moment s’est terminé avec l’assassinat de Hariri, et l’extermination des dirigeants du 14 – mars. Donc vers 2008 – 2009 c’était scellé. Dès lors, c’était presque admis que le Hezbollah domine l’arène politique. Ça c’est la troisième phase.

      Pour moi, elle commence vers 2010. On a un semblant de résolution de la guerre, étant donné qu’il y a un « gagnant ». Avec cette phase, qui pour moi s’étend de 2010 jusqu’à l’explosion du port, c’est une phase de «dégradation / corruption». Deux choses retiennent mon attention dans cette phase. D’abord, il y a le fait que maintenant les milices sont littéralement, explicitement au pouvoir, ce qui a enclenché toute une série de dégradations qui ont culminé avec l’explosion du port en 2020.

      Avec cette de fin de la guerre, on a assisté à l’émergence d’une sorte de Pop Art, ou d’un art populaire caractéristique de cette nouvelle phase. Qu’est-ce cela veut dire? Si on suit l’essor de la production artistique — je vais prendre Akram Zaatari qui, par exemple, faisait des trucs en rapport à la guerre et à la mémoire jusque-là, et là, il développe un intérêt pour YouTube et pour les images trouvées de Haifa Wehbe. Un peu avant, il y avait Raed Yassin, qui fait une sorte d’art populaire à partir des magazines Playboy, et une autre série sur Sammy Clark, etc. Il y a même Walid Sadek, qui récemment a fait une série de petites peintures, texture/surface un peu optique, des séries, déclarant qu’il pouvait enfin enlever ou se libérer du poids pesant de l’histoire. Bien sûr, à travers ce geste, il essaie de détecter une nouvelle phase historique. Il faut rappeler que le Pop Art marque une époque où plus rien ne fait sens — on en reste au jeu des couleurs, à des approches purement optiques. Pour nous, c’est une époque où l’on oublie le souvenir même de la guerre, souvenir qui chargeait encore les choses d’un certain sens.

      Évènement global

      lm

      Pourrais-tu dire quelques mots sur l’actualité des pratiques artistiques beyrouthines? Quelles lectures peut-on faire du contexte actuel — l’après 2020 et le retour des tensions, des bombardements ponctuels?

      fc

      Si l’on prend, par exemple, la phase incluant l’explosion au port de Beyrouth, Maissa Maatouk a fait, je pense, une oeuvre qui arrive à capturer ça. Pour Floating Lights I & II, elle a filmé l’obscurité, le noir dans lequel étaient plongés plusieurs régions ou secteurs de Beyrouth la nuit. Elle a filmé le noir à Ouzai, à Achrafieh et dans toutes les régions qui ne sont pas censées être connectées — des régions qui appartiennent à différentes milices. Et ce qu’on voit dans ça, c’est une sorte de sublime mathématique, on se perd dans le clignotement des lumières. Ce que l’on voit, ça n’est qu’un seul et même événement, qui est la coupure de l’électricité, et qui s’étend à plusieurs régions. Si l’on prend l’explosion de Beyrouth par rapport aux explosions précédentes, il s’agit cette fois d’une explosion globale. Ce qui m’intéresse dans cette explosion, c’est que les gens ont fait, comme on a pu le voir sur les médias sociaux, un montage parallèle sur l’explosion du port. C’est-à-dire qu’ils ont montré l’explosion depuis une maison à Achrafieh, dans la rue à Hamra, à Solider, etc. Il y a un événement qui arrive maintenant à se répandre sur toutes les factions, à recouvrir toutes ces zones qui étaient marquées par les divisions sectaires. Ce qui n’était pas le cas, par exemple, des voitures piégées pendant la période 1982-1992, qui elles renforçaient les divisions, comme l’a montré Raad; ou les bombardements israéliens après en 2006 et l’excessive witness de Sadek. Je pense que l’arrivée au pouvoir des milices a enclenché tout un processus de corruption qui fait qu’aujourd’hui il y a un même événement qui apparaît à plusieurs endroits. Si on prend le braquage des banques, c’est la même logique. C’est un même événement qui se décline, dû à une même corruption visible partout.

      Pour moi — bon, c’est la lecture que m’inspire Deleuze — ça ouvre à des images sérielles. Si l’on prend Walid Sadek, il a fait une série. C’est-à-dire, une série de combinatoire possibles de débris. En fait, pour sa plus récente exposition, Paintings 2020-2022 (2022), il a collecté des débris à Beyrouth qui pour lui ont une certaine capacité. Il en fait des séries. Maïssa, dont j’ai parlé plus tôt, travaille aussi des séries. Il y a aussi les séries pop de Raed Yassin… Pourquoi la série? La série, en tant que genre d’image, apparaît lorsqu’il y a un problème. Je pense que si on prend Godard, il fait des séries parce que Godard ne sait pas, ou ne sait plus. Il rencontre un problème avec la signification des choses et donc, il ouvre sa série. Je pense que la situation libanaise étant matériellement problématique aujourd’hui, elle se prête d’une part, à la construction de séries, et d’autre part, à la fois au Pop et au Op Art — en versions post-guerre civile et paix relative sous domination du Hezbollah. La dégradation qu’accompagne l’arrivée au pouvoir de cette milice dominante ouvre donc en même temps un temps de paix mais aussi un temps de dégradation. Ce semblant de paix permet alors une capacité d’attention aux choses quotidiennes, populaires, etc. mais dans un contexte de plus en plus dégradé. Ceci donne lieu des pratiques qui vont dans ce sens-là, par exemple Myriam Boulos, avec sa photographie pop qui va capturer les énergies, l’érotisme, tout ce qui circule comme ça dans la vie quotidienne… mais avec une certaine tension. Je pense aussi, à Dépôt -Vente, un magasin de vêtements vintage, et aux jeunes autour qui font des photos chargées d’érotisme dans des quartiers plus ou moins dégradés de Beyrouth, etc.

      lm

      Cette explosion, elle n’a donc pas contribué à déposer le pouvoir, défaire la division ou remettre les sectarismes à zéro. Elle a plutôt fait irruption, comme une espèce de symptôme, qui vient s’inscrire dans l’espace-temps tramé de la ville et de son imaginaire. C’est aussi une conséquence de cette phase que tu décris comme «dégradation / corruption» et avec laquelle il faut tant bien que mal composer. Donc pas de nouvelle coupure, mais un même flux qui se densifie?

      fc

      Pour moi, oui. Le système sectaire conduit ou produit des choses comme l’explosion de Beyrouth et l’effondrement des banques, l’inflation et tout ça, mais dans une modalité un peu différente. C’est-à-dire que dans l’explosion la coupure actuelle n’est plus entre la guerre et la paix, mais elle se fait dans un état de paix qui est maintenant entrecoupé d’événements plus ou moins absurdes du style : je me réveille, je vais braquer une banque. Si on prend l’histoire de Sali Hafez, la femme devenue célèbre qui a braqué une banque2, je ne pense pas que c’est un hasard que ça s’approche du film de Al Pacino, Dog Day Afternoon réalisé par Sidney Lumett en 1975, très Pop, et où le protagoniste va braquer une banque pour que son petit ami trans puisse se payer une opération, si je me rappelle bien.

      Ce que je dis ici c’est que ce qui entre sur la scène politique, ce sont les histoires quotidiennes personnelles, ce n’est pas personnel du style «j’ai vécu la guerre». Non, voilà «j’ai des soucis pour obtenir mes médicaments», etc. Et c’est une couche qui se rajoute à la couche d’avant. Ce n’est pas que Hariri et son paradigme sont dépassés. En fait, les disparus sont encore disparus, et maintenant, on a la couche des victimes du port en plus. Les deux sont irrésolues. C’est comme si la dernière couche, au niveau des soucis et des pratiques, vient éclipser la couche d’en dessous. Prenons un exemple très concret, Objects of War (1999-ongoing) de Lamia Joreige : c’est une installation où elle donne à voir des objets à partir desquels les gens racontent leurs histoires, leur expérience de la guerre. Dans la phase Hariri, pour dire simplement, l’objet contenait toute la mémoire de la guerre; du style, je vous montre une petite radio. Je dis : «oui, c’est la radio qu’on a amenée avec nous dans les abris pour écouter les news…». Aujourd’hui, ce qui se passe, c’est que les objets sont devenus fonctionnels. En fait, le problème avec l’objet c’est, par exemple, comment fabriquer une batterie? Ou comment brancher la machine à café sur la batterie, et celle-ci sur le panneau solaire? Comment faire pour ramener de l’eau, faire de l’électricité, en bricolant? Et donc, il y a tout un affairement autour des objets qui est fonctionnel. Je pense que quelques oeuvres de Ahmad Ghossein dans sa dernière exposition à Marfa’, Serotonin, Benzin, and a Renegade Body (2023), vont dans ce sens.

      Cet aspect éclipse l’usage mnésique de l’objet. Pour moi, ce bricolage fait partie d’un art machinique, même s’il n’est pas encore apparu à Beyrouth, mais on peut envisager, penser à des machinations du style Tinguely, etc. où l’on va mettre un peu en scène l’absurdité de ces connexions de machines, de batteries, de plantes, etc. Enfin, même lorsque je pense à ce que Nasrallah a dit, qu’il faut planter son balcon pour survivre, c’est déjà dans ça. Ça veut dire, débrouillez-vous. Et pour moi, on est passé dans cette phase.

       

      Résistance(s)

      lm

      Dans quelques textes, tu introduis l’idée d’une résistance qui passe par l’acte, par les artistes, par les formes de l’art, et tu sembles chercher à brouiller une lecture selon laquelle on sépare nettement les générations d’artistes actifs et actives en temps de guerre, dans l’après-guerre, dans l’après après-guerre… et tu défais cette périodisation. Tu écris quelque part qu’il y a une pratique de la résistance, une pratique qui résiste à travers ces temporalités. Considérant la dimension générationnelle, à quoi et comment résiste-t-on?

      fc

      Oui. Je pense que plusieurs artistes font de la résistance et de deux manières. La première, si on prend l’époque Hariri avec toutes les oeuvres qui en découlent, je pense que ces oeuvres montrent qu’il y a des formes de vie dans ce contexte de Beyrouth, des manières de se souvenir, des manières de se relier à son mari disparu… Si je prends le film A Perfect Day (2007) de Hadjithomas et Joreige, c’est dans la manière de parler avec les disparu.es; ou si je prends le film de Alaouié, Beyrouth la rencontre (1981), c’est dans la manière de parler aux émigré.es, à celles et ceux qui sont partis.

      Tout ça, ce sont des capacités qui se développent dans un contexte de guerre et elles ne peuvent pas être comprises selon une grille conceptuelle ou des formats d’images qui proviennent d’ailleurs… On peut très bien importer toutes les catégories qu’on veut (le freudisme ou même le montage américain, ou les histoires de représentation de la masculinité, etc.) et dire, comme le dit Alan Gilbert sur Walid Raad à propos de son projet The Beirut Al-Hadath Archive : «Oui, vous voyez, Walid Raad, ce qu’il fait découle du trauma, de la perte de la maison, et donc il prend des photos de vitrines vides, de lieux vides, pour combler le manque». Et donc, pour Gilbert, Walid Raad est traumatisé. Il a perdu sa maison et maintenant il veut une maison, donc il prend des photos, pour faire simple, de maisons vides. En fait, ce sont des photos de vitrines vides, mais ça passe quand même. Alors que Walid Raad, contrairement à Gilbert, dans ce projet-là, spécifiquement, montre comment les vitrines vides photographiées dans le Souk de Beyrouth dans les années… enfin de vieilles photos, sont reliées au projet d’Eugène Atget. Pour Raad, le colonialisme qui remplissait les vitrines à Paris, c’est le même colonialisme qui vidait les vitrines à Beyrouth. Donc là, vous voyez, il est en train de faire une photo engagée. D’ailleurs, c’est publié dans la revue Rethinking Marxism, en 1999.

      Pour moi, la résistance culturelle commence lorsqu’on arrive à capturer la spécificité de l’espace-temps; donc à mettre en image l’expérience vécue d’un lieu comme le Liban. C’est un lieu spécifique. Ça va à l’encontre du retour à la tradition. Par exemple : si je suis libanais, je dois m’intéresser aux lettres arabes ou à l’islam ou au dialogue islamochrétien, etc. Dans ce contexte, la résistance vient du fait qu’il y a deux manières d’opprimer le présent, la première c’est l’appel à la tradition, la seconde c’est l’appel à l’universalisme, au modernisme.

      Pour la tradition, on nous dit : «à chacun de s’occuper de ses traditions»; vu que vous étiez colonisés, «il faut que vous fassiez un revival de vos traditions opprimées». C’est le discours qu’on entend souvent et qui est quand même assez bienveillant, mais le danger c’est que si on s’intéresse à la poésie classique arabe, on rate toutes les structures actuelles générées par le conflit. On rate toutes les modalités du souvenir, de la parole, de la perception, etc. qui sont générées par le conflit.

      Donc, la résistance dans l’art, c’est d’un côté faire une résistance culturelle à ce niveau-là, en montrant que ce qui compte c’est la rupture. C’est-à-dire, une guerre civile, la déportation des noirs d’Afrique, etc. «Ce qui compte, c’est la rupture et pas le retour en Afrique» comme dit Edouard Glissant. Il dit : «Ce qui compte, ce n’est pas de retourner en Afrique, mais bien de savoir que ça commence avec la déportation.» Pour l’universalisme opprimant c’est plus connu, un peu du style des lumières, l’homme moderne unique… et donc on va construire les mêmes immeubles, que ce soit au Liban, à Chandigarh ou en France. Donc, il y a d’une part le danger qui découle de la modernité, et d’autre part celui qui découle de la tradition; de l’universel et du particulier.

      Mais je pense qu’il y a une troisième voie que pratiquent ces artistes dont j’ai parlé : l’affirmation que, dans le capitalisme globalisé qui génère des désastres en mode continu, la seule culture qui peut résister ou inverser ça, c’est la culture qui affirme justement les désastres du capitalisme pour en extraire des expériences collectives — des blocs d’espace-temps qui ne relèvent ni de la modernité ni de la tradition, mais de la contingence des situations. On dira que c’est la voie de la singularité. La résistance culturelle, c’est ça.

      La résistance que pratiquent les artistes, passe par ce que montrent Hadjithomas et Joreige. Ils disent clairement que pour pouvoir vivre au Liban, il fallait faire quelque chose. Une des rares choses qu’ils pouvaient faire c’était justement de faire des photos, de capturer, de mettre en images et en mots leurs expériences vécues dans un contexte où ils ne pouvaient rien faire d’autre. Et là, il y a une permutation, une transmutation : je deviens actif à nouveau, je transfigure la situation.

      Pour moi, c’est important parce que les deux autres grilles de lecture reviennent soit à tout réduire au trauma des gens qui ont vécu la guerre, soit à leur tradition perdue. Ce réductionnisme, leur enlève le côté actif de pouvoir faire, leur agency. Quoique bienveillante, cette lecture qui réduit tous les gestes à la question du trauma, comme si l’artiste était malade ou victime et qu’iel devait remplir un manque, guérir une plaie… moi je pense c’est autre chose qui se passe. Parce que ces lectures entre trauma et tradition, elles ne font que réprimer le mouvement vivant; l’attention à une vie qui se développe même dans des situations extrêmes; une vie qui développe des capacités nouvelles de voir, de se souvenir, de rêver, de parler, etc.

      1. Cet entretien réalisé à l’automne 2023,  avant les violences actuelles, revient sur des concepts clés que développe Chalabi pour éclairer la spécificité du contexte libanais à travers la production culturelle, cinématographique et artistique des cinquante dernières années.
      2. https://www.lorientlejour.com/article/1311444/braquage-de-la-blom-bank-salihafez-prete-a-tout-pour-sauver-sa-soeur-malade.html

      Météores…

      Chantal Partamian Ghada Sayegh

       

       

      Entre ciel et terre
      un monde, un temps
      étendue de poussières
      que les vents affolent
      étoiles en fin de vie
      dansent, chatouillent les yeux
      les larmes, sont ce par quoi je vois
      un monde qui va finir
      a pris fin
      je touche le ciel
      mon corps perd appui
      me somme d’agir
      d’implorer la poésie
      elle s’est éclipsée
      hier ou demain
      entre montagne et mer

       

      D’un bruit sourd en suspens
      de la fin du monde d’il y a plus d’un siècle
      je suis née anomalie maudite,
      fruit d’une rencontre de réfugiés
      aujourd’hui encore,
      exilée de l’exil
      des branches vierges
      sur un arbre généalogique
      arbres amnésiques
      comme gardiens de l’histoire
      je vous reconnais
      nous qui implorons le passé
      pour y trouver une trace de notre passage
      tout notre bonheur et toute notre tristesse
      dans une pluralité incontestée,
      floue, mouvante, parfois invisible

       

      un désir fou me prend parfois
      de devenir chose dépouillée de sens
      De ces paysages abandonnés
      remonte une histoire invisible, inaudible
      je touche la terre
      pleure la mémoire des autres
      les paroles contenues
      passent par la roche
      coulent la rivière
      je ne dors plus
      le sommeil m’a oublié
      des vibrations me parviennent
      du ciel
      de la terre
      celles de la fin
      du commencement
      mes larmes asséchées se mêlent à la pluie
      elles sont beauté, terreur
      tracent une généalogie
      celle du silence, qui tue
      je porte le deuil
      d’une histoire non vécue, à vivre
      ici, ailleurs, nulle part

       

      A la recherche des mots
      en écho aux tiens
      en vain
      il y a des non-dits enfouis au fin fond de soi
      on s’écrit des phrases en débris
      qui essaient de tisser un lien vers un sens
      une vérité apaisante mais toujours élusive
      apprends-moi à retrouver les paroles contenues
      dans la roche
      et la rivière

       

      prisonnières entre montagne et mer
      apaise cette vigilance
      envers les vibrations du ciel et de la terre
      je te reconnais,
      j’essaye de tendre vers toi
      nos mots,
      comme des comètes en errance,
      essayent de se rejoindre

       

      Tu évoques une complicité
      qui nous lie
      l’une l’autre
      pourtant si seules
      serait-ce dans la perte
      que se produit cette connivence si rare
      cette consolation tant convoitée
      le lieu de l’apaisement existerait-il
      dans son absence même
      nous sommes hors des lieux, des temps
      exilés d’hier, de demain
      en quête perpétuelle d’une demeure
      qui a existé, périra
      j’ai touché la roche, trempé la rivière
      les paroles me traversent, discrètement
      tu connais leur souffle
      les arbres amnésiques te l’ont confié
      il y a longtemps, bien plus tard

        L’Arbre— Une carte postale Montréal-Beyrouth

        Chantal Partamian

        Il y a plusieurs années, on m’a offert une cartouche de film super-8 de marque Casichrome. Une cartouche mystère à propos de laquelle je ne trouvais rien en ligne (je n’ai appris que tout récemment que c’est une pellicule mise sur le marché par la compagnie d’alimentation française Casino, dans les années 90). Pendant la pandémie, vivant loin de la ville, je contemplais, pendant des heures, le même arbre depuis ma fenêtre. J‘étais prise par un grand désir de prendre ma caméra. Alors je me suis mise à filmer, à chaque semaine, le même arbre. Je savais que ma cartouche Casichrome était expirée. Je m’attendais à avoir à peine des images. Au cours de cette même année, lors d’une visite chez des antiquaires dans les Cantons de l’Est, je mis la main sur un lot de films Ektachrome G, datant des années 80. Ces pellicules révéleront plus tard un mariage et des paysages. L’une des cartouches dans la boîte était neuve. Je décidais alors de filmer le chemin du retour.

         

         

        Une fois déconfinés, et pendant un atelier 16mm chez Mainfilm, j’ai filmé Yza. C‘était mon premier test de surimpression avec la Bolex qui réussissait. Deux jours après être rentrée de Beyrouth, à la mi-octobre, j’ai lu un texte de Ghada Sayegh. Ses mots m’ont bouleversée. Ils m’étaient familiers. Les images me sont revenues, et le montage s’est fait de lui-même. Je savais exactement quelles bobines je devais utiliser. Je lui ai écrit pour lui demander si je pouvais reprendre son texte. J’ai enregistré Senda le lire en voix off, de façon DIY.

          Effacer voir

          Lynn Kodeih

          il y a ces espaces qui se défendent en dehors des structures étatiques. on entend parler de ces villes qui, malgré avoir été détruites, reviennent dans d’autres formes. mais là, le temps s’arrête et l’espace s’effondre. être en dehors de l’espace et du temps.

          L’explosion qui ravage Beyrouth en août 2020 atteint ton corps à Montréal. Se figer devant tous les écrans à la fois, regarder déferler les images, toutes les images. Les regarder toutes, plus d’une centaine de fois, sans ne rien voir. Retourner à tes propres images, celles prises de la ville avant ton départ. Essayer de retrouver une séquence, une minute, un fragment intact, mais elles sont toutes atteintes, touchées, floues, instables, fragiles. A mesure qu’elles sont regardées, elles disparaissent.

          Sentir que quelque chose inéluctablement t’échappe. Parce que voir, c’est perdre1. Comment vivre le désastre à distance, par procuration? Écrire par bribes, par interruptions, penser au territoire, à l’immigration vers une terre colonisée, se demander ce que tu as pu ramener avec toi dans ce nouvel habitat, ce qui est interdit de «faire entrer», à tout ce que tu laisses derrière toi.

          ici, il y a ce qu’on appelle des vestibules. des sas.
          des lieux entre-deux. des endroits entre l’intérieur et
          l’extérieur qui ressemblent à ces tourbillons au milieu
          d’espaces vides, qui prennent dans leur courant les
          bribes de poussière en les faisant tourner à l’infini,
          avant de les expulser dehors.

          Imaginer un moyen de faire entrer clandestinement à Montréal, tes plantes délaissées à Beyrouth. Recommencer à faire le jardin que tu n’as pas pu transporter avec toi overseas. La première plante que tu achètes dans le froid du nord est une Hoya Carnosa, comme celle qui habitait dans la lumière, face à la grande baie vitrée donnant sur la méditerranée. Bouturer la Hoya, mettre la bouture dans l’eau, la laisser faire des racines. Décider de transformer la matière vivante, en une autre non-vivante, pour pouvoir la déplacer au cas où tu pars à nouveau. Badigeonner les boutures avec de l’argile. La couche extérieure de la plante refuse d’absorber la matière. Après plusieurs tentatives, l’argile prend. Une fois arrivée au four, perdre tout contrôle sur les conditions de la plante enduite de porcelaine, dans cet enfer où s’opère une sorte d’alchimie qui te dépasse. Observer ce qui en reste, les plantes en poudre, le retrait qui s’opère. Utiliser la céramique qui calcifie la matière vivante, pour la transformer en une sorte de talisman. L’empreinte d’une présence et d’une absence, «un là et
          un non-là établissant une frontière toujours oscillante.»
          (Didi-Huberman, 1997) Oeuvrer avec la puissance fantomatique des «revenances, des choses parties au loin mais qui demeurent, devant nous, proches de nous, à nous faire signe de leur absence.»

          dans Beyrouth Fantôme, l’un des personnages
          confesse, face à la caméra, que tous ces trous de
          balles qui sillonnent les immeubles de la ville, font
          pareil dans nos âmes.

          Se confronter aux limites du médium, à ses exigences strictes, à la fragilité de la porcelaine. Aborder la matériau comme une amie à qui l’on dit des secrets, mais la matière est traitresse. Elle parle, prend la relève pour dire ce que tu essaies de cacher. Elle fait exploser les objets dans le four, les effrite. Ils sortent en lambeaux. S’acharner à recomposer des puzzles, avec des dizaines de fragments. Partie fossile et partie momie, ces feuilles portent en elles toute la perte de la matière. Le produit fini n’est que résiduel, trace, fantôme, te laissant voir ce qui a disparu.

          penser aux artéfacts engloutis dans le ciment, à ceux
          qui les ont fait disparaître dans le sous-sol pour empêcher leur pillage. c’était peut-être le début de ce qu’on appela plus tard guerre.s civile.s.

          Penser à Maurice Blanchot, figure du retrait, à la manière dont il s’est «effacé» après avoir survécu à la mort immanente. À la question du regard, de l’impossibilité de voir, et de la distance : «Faire de l’absence de ma vision, le point culminant de mon regard.» Invisibiliser, détruire, effacer pour voir. Quel regard porter sur un espace en catastrophe? Inventer des processus de démentèlement de l’image, des stratégies d’effacement. Oblitérer l’image pour «regarder» ces lieux, sans catastropher, sans stigmatiser, sans esthétiser. Détourner les images pour qu’elle nous regardent au lieu d’être regardées. Mais que peuvent les images à part énoncer la limite du visible? Thomas l’incrédule touche du doigt la plaie du Christ pour croire à sa résurrection. Le Caravage donne à voir que le toucher peut prouver la présence du corps ressuscité, en remplaçant la vue. Par l’image elle-même, le peintre «énonce la limite du visible, le geste de Thomas, incarnant cette limite à la lettre, par un doigt qui pénètre dans la plaie en disparaissant à la vue.»

          L’image serait la preuve de la limite du visible, mais surtout, la preuve de l’abîme insondable dont elle est la frontière. Frôler les limites du visible, évoquer Beyrouth, ville ravagée et ravageuse, où la langue se perd et les mots se vident de leur sens. Une ville qui échappe, comme la plaie du Christ, et où le temps n’est jamais linéaire. En évoquant Beyrouth, parler des lieux dépossédés, désincarnés, colonisés, rasés, quittés par le déplacement forcé, la migration ou l’exil, des entredeux imaginaires, et surtout, l’impossibilité de poser le regard sur ces espaces.

          penser au papillons qui ont envahi l’horizon quelques
          jours avant ton départ. penser aux villes où il n’y a pas
          de mer, où le soleil se couche derrière des montagnes.
          mais le soleil ne se couche pas toujours au même
          endroit.

          Regarder les images de l’horizon prises avant ton départ de la ville. Les projeter, les filmer à nouveau, les projeter encore, les re-filmer encore et encore, comme par un acte boulimique, compulsif, avec le désir de les multiplier, par un excès de regard, jusqu’à l’effacement. L’image se perd, les couleurs se saturent, débordent. Le son, de plus en plus strident, augmente de densité. Un déphasage s’induit dans le mouvement, comme pour ouvrir à une autre dimension du lieu. Imprimer les images, les détruire, les réimprimer encore et encore, continuer à faire désintégrer les supports, laissant la place à l’accident. Élaborer des expériences de disparition de l’image. Faire désintégrer le celluloïd, laisser jouer la fragilité de la porcelaine, l’effilochage de la soie. Vouloir faire des images qui existent par leur retrait, leur disparition, par l’impossibilité de leur existence, par la trace de leur passage. Ce qui est invisible ne peut être défiguré.

          Les mots de Walid Sadek reviennent, comme une
          ritournelle :

          We go from an ability to look at a city, to see it in a
          kind of perspectival way, to a sort of near-blindness.
          And near-blindness here is a consequence of the
          excess that a post-civil war city is2.

          À l’atelier, détisser et déconstruire, une image qui se manifeste de manière fragmentaire et fragmentée, par la lacune, l’effritement, l’absence. En effaçant les images, faire apparaitre autre chose. La répétition devient un mécanisme obsessionnel, pour déterritorialiser, pour ouvrir une brèche, faire éclater le labyrinthe. Effacer n’est qu’un prétexte, pour voir.

          Ajourner le retour à Beyrouth, terrifiée à l’idée qu’il n’y a rien à voir. Que la compréhension est impossible. Rien ne peut dire l’ampleur de la catastrophe, alors que tout l’indique. Utiliser la distance géographique comme prétexte pour ne pas filmer la ville. Filmer l’horizon à Montréal. Même ici, les images apparaissent affectées, floues, ralenties, et les plans s’entremêlent inlassablement. Les lieux s’y multiplient, et les temporalités se confondent. En regardant ce que tu as filmé auparavant à Beyrouth, te demander si les images sont, de nature, prophétiques. Si elles peuvent être hantées par leur futur.

           

          1. Didi-Huberman, Georges. La ressemblance par contact : archéologie, anachronisme et modernité de l’empreinte. Paris : Les Éditions de Minuit, 2008.
          2. Walid Sadek. Intervention dans In and Out of the Loop : Lebanese Art, History and the City, table ronde, 24 novembre 2020, en ligne.

          La langue ne cesse de décevoir

          Lynn Kodeih

          regarder et ne rien voir
          prendre la rivière par la main
          chercher le soleil

           

          entendre dire que l’image est née de la perte
          « Loss is the birth of the image »
          un énorme désir de ne pas écrire
          de ne pas inscrire

           

          pour une fois
          faire disparaitre
          et puis
          revenir aux mots
          osciller entre la fin du monde et l’attente de la prochaine
          catastrophe

           

          chercher sans cesse le miracle
          un miracle
          sans jamais en trouver
          ne pas chercher de consolation
          la consolation, elle, n’est ni sincère ni réelle
          chercher le soleil
          le suivre

           

          s’identifier narcissiquement à l’espace perdu
          à ce qui le formait, à ce qui le comblait

           

          mais il y a implosion
          et l’espace se vide
          et tout est avalé
          reste une coquille, une carapace déchiquetée
          même pas un squelette

           

          ne rien faire
          rester au lit

           

          partout sur le corps, des tâches rouges et des veinules
          éclatent

           

          regarder l’enfant jouer
          se demander comment de l’autre bout de l’existence
          la vie se manifeste toujours
          mettre son manteau
          peser une tonne
          sortir dans la rue, tirer une montagne derrière soi

           

          à l’intérieur du corps, la douleur se loge dans les liquides
          invisible et dormante, latente comme le temps présent
          elle se manifeste par des apparitions soudaines de
          pesanteur
          par un désir de se recouvrir jusqu’à la disparition des
          membres
          comment réconcilier la survie avec sa propre disparition ?
          comment négocier cette mue, cette reconnaissance, dans
          un ailleurs loin de tout ce que l’on connait ?

           

          apprendre continuellement à devenir de ces êtres qui
          procèdent au-delà de l’appartenance
          ne pas hériter de territoire, ou de la fierté de s’en
          approprier, ou même d’un rêve collectif d’appartenance
          comme le vent
          comme la vague
          comme le brouillard, se détacher entre les cieux
          en plein milieu d’un trou noir
          continuer à penser à un futur par obligation,

           

          mais les yeux ne cessent de se retourner vers l’arrière

           

          faire le linge
          s’acharner à effacer chaque graine de poussière
          ne pas vouloir raconter d’histoires
          vouloir ne plus raconter d’histoires

           

          oeuvrer par oblitération
          ablation
          effacer les images qui continuent à apparaitre

           

          une envie me prend depuis plusieurs semaines
          faire un film qui n’a pas d’histoire
          être sans histoire

           

          un espace vidé
          étreinté
          le brouillard

           

          passer son temps à chercher des synonymes
          et la langue ne cesse de décevoir
          les personnages du film traversent les plans lointains
          de plages désertes
          de cieux profonds
          de forêts interminables
          mi-morts mi-fantômes
          errer sans arrêt dans le moment qui revient

           

          quand l’évènement eut lieu
          ces personnages ont commencé à sortir dans les rues
          en dehors de leurs maisons
          en dehors de leurs immeubles
          convaincus d’être dans le coeur de l’évènement
          que cet évènement avait sa propre périphérie,
          la scène du crime

           

          qu’il suffisait de traverser la rue, de sortir du quartier
          pour sortir de la scène
          pour être à l’extérieur
          pour pouvoir regarder, voir, observer, analyser
          pour pouvoir appréhender

           

          mais on était devenu l’espace-même
          l’évènement-même
          en dehors du temps
          cela nous avait échappé

           

          nous a échappé aussi le fait que, cette fois-ci,
          la rue n’avait plus de fin

           

          le quartier était devenu la ville
          la ville, le pays entier
          s’étalant au-delà de ses frontières
          il n’y avait plus de seuil
          il n’y avait plus d’ici ou d’ailleurs

           

          tout est devenu ici et maintenant
          pour toujours
          comme dans un énorme trou noir sans passé ni futur
          juste un présent éternel dans une autre dimension qui
          nous avala tous
          envoyant en bribes toute notion de frontières

           

          comment peut-on venir de ces lieux qui nous échappent ?
          comment survit-on à ce que nous n’avons pas vécu ?

           

          les villes ne meurent pas
          ce n’est que nous qui y disparaissons
          elles ont la capacité de se recréer

           

          porter le deuil sa mort prolongée
          la douleur dans le corps revient
          comme pour rappeler de l’existence

           

          ne pas chercher la consolation
          la consolation, elle, n’est jamais sincère

           

            Pour Jocelyne

            Etel Adnan

            J’ai connu Jocelyne Saab vers 1972 / 1973. J’étais à l’époque chargée des pages culturelles du quotidien de langue française As Safa à Beyrouth. J’étais revenue d’un long séjour aux États-Unis, et au journal j’étais soucieuse d’encourager de jeunes Libanais et Libanaises à contribuer à des textes pour mes pages de journal. Jocelyne devait avoir vingt ans ou un rien de plus.

            Elle m’apportait des comptes-rendus de disques de musique pop et ses gribouillages étaient passionnants. Cette toute jeune fille débordait de vie et de talent. Très peu d’années plus tard, la guerre civile éclatait au Liban. Jocelyne vint me voir pour me proposer d’écrire un texte pour un film qu’elle avait elle-même tourné surtout au centre-ville de Beyrouth sous les obus. Ce film de plus d’une demi-heure fut montré à la télévision de plusieurs capitales. Sa force était dans son innocence. Jocelyne avait capté l’atmosphère de cette guerre qui ne faisait que commencer. Elle fit un second film, Le Liban dans la tourmente.

            C’est un film extraordinaire. Il saisit le milieu libanais qui a donne lieu a cette guerre comme aucun document jamais écrit ou filmé la concernant. Jocelyne a saisi d’instinct, grâce a son courage politique, son intégrité morale, et sa profonde intelligence, l’essence même de ce conflit. Comme je viens d’essayer de le dire, aucun document sur cette guerre n’a jamais égalé l’importance du travail cinématographique que Jocelyne a présenté dans les trois films qu’elle a consacré au Liban. C’est une oeuvre râre, de première importance pour l’histoire du Liban, mais aussi une étude qui dépasse le Liban et devrait être étudiée dans des facultés universitaires s’intéressant à la
            sociologie et à la politique du monde d’aujourd’hui. J’aimerais aussi parler de mon amitié pour Jocelyne.

            À cause de ses films, et à cause de toute sa vie jusqu’à present, je vois en elle un des êtres les plus courageux, les plus intelligents, et surtout les plus libres que je connaisse. Sa liberté de penser, et d’agir lui a couté très cher. Par moments ce fut une question de vie et de mort. Peu de gens, hommes ou femmes, ont autant souffert pour demeurer dignes d’eux-mêmes, pour survivre d’une façon qui ait un sens, dans un monde si hostile ou si indifférent que celui qui est le nôtre. Jocelyne mérite que son travail soit reconnu à sa juste, à sa grande valeur, et peu de gens méritent autant qu’elle notre admiration.

            Je suis heureuse de pouvoir le dire1.

             

             

             

            1. Ce texte a été publié pour la première fois en 2018 dans Jocelyne Saab, Zones de guerre, aux Éditions de l’Oeil, Montreuil.

            Curating Beirut: A Conversation on the Politics of Representation
            Sandra Dagher, Catherine David, Rasha Salti & Christine Tohme.

            T.J. Demos

            Conducted via e-mail in 2006, the following roundtable conversation, assembles a group of curators to consider the stakes and conditions of the national and international exhibition of Beirut-based artistic practices.1

            The participants all bear hands-on experience working in Lebanon and enter into dialogue from unique perspectives: Sandra Dagher, who directed the gallery Espace SD for seven years, is developing a new nonprofit contemporary art space in Beirut and, with Saleh Barakat, is organizing the first Lebanese pavilion at the Venice Biennale (2007); Catherine David, artistic director of Documenta X, is the organizer of the long term project Contemporary Arab Representations. Rasha Salti, an independent curator and freelance writer based in Beirut and New York, oversees New York’s CinemaEast Film Festival; and Christine Tohme directs the Beirut-based Ashkal Alwan (Lebanese Association for Plastic Arts), which, among its many activities, organizes Home Works, a semiannual series of symposia and exhibitions inaugurated in 2002 and dedicated to Middle Eastern cultural practices.

            Since 1970, Lebanon has suffered through a decade and a half of civil war and encountered innumerable crippling setbacks—notabtly the devastating bombing campaign waged by Israel during summer 2006—on its path to a nev ertheless startling, if ever-fragile postwar
            recovery. What becomes clear in the course of the following exchanges is that Beirut’s artistic culture, despite the unfavorable odds, has struggled to fulfill its aspirations of creative expression, thoughtful commemoration, and intellectual rigor and honesty. Facilitated by a few ambitious curators and a handful of energetic institutions, cultural production in Beirut is ever vibrant and terribly relevant—no doubt because, as Dagher, David, Salti, and Tohme make clear, it proposes an arena in which the conflicts that beset the city can be addressed at the level of representation, as objects of critical analysis and creative experimentation. Distant though it may be geographically from European and American cultural capitals, Beirut nevertheless emerges here as fully central to the most pressing questions—political, aesthetic, ethical, institutional—that animate artistic and curatorial practices today.
            —T. J. Demos

            T.J. Demos

            Beirut has undergone massive economic development and cultural growth since the 1990 signing of the Taif accords brought an end, if precarious, to fifteen years of civil war. With the Israeli military campaign during the summer of 2006, Lebanon has suffered destruction on a massive scale, throwing the country into a condition of crisis not seen for a decade and a half. Riven by sectarianism, its infrastructure massively degraded and class divisions starkly apparent, Lebanon is now precariously positioned between competing international pressures from Iran, Syria, the United States, and Israel, with no easy resolution in sight. Given this regression and the resulting political instability, what is the situation of curatorial practice in Beirut today? What do you see as the current challenges and imperatives of curating art in Lebanon in this period of crisis?

            Sandra Dagher

            It is true that Lebanon has undergone both economic and cultural growth since 1990, but it has not been a stable evolution. The country has never enjoyed peace. Although the heavy fighting may have ended in 1990, dur ing the past sixteen years Lebanon has lived through successive states of tension at different levels (Israeli and Syrian occupation, Israeli attacks, the assassination of political figures). Of course the Israeli military campaign last summer created even more tension. But the political insecurities and the sectarian divisions were already there and never resolved. So the question would be how to deal with art and curatorial practices in a country that lives in constant change and regular insecurity, where you often live in the present and can rarely anticipate the years to come. I don’t think the events of last summer really changed the situation of curatorial practice—or it is too soon to see the changes. But I think the challenges and imperatives of curating art in Lebanon are to understand and follow the complex and unstable context we live in.

            Christine Thome

            I agree: given the present situation, I don’t think anything has changed; we’ve been living with the conflict for thirty-one years. The Israeli invasion of Lebanon is not something new, but an embedded part of Lebanese political life. I’ve been a curator working in Beirut for thirteen years, and I would never say that the conflict changed the way I function as a curator. It has always put me in a position to rethink my curatorial practice and to consider the meaning of art in the face of political turmoil and instability. Do we—should we—expect any answers from art? I’m not so sure. When you live in the Arab world, and in a city like Beirut specifically, you stop asking these questions. Conflict becomes a general state of mind, a way of life, like the Intifada in Palestine, with the curfew, the rationing. It’s the same in Lebanon. Living and violence become one entity. For me this has been going on since 1975. I would have expected something new from politicians rather than the unquestioned continuation of the warlord mentality that drove the Lebanese civil war. Artistic practice, in my opinion, is helping many people in this city ask questions that are highly needed at this point, because politicians are completely immersed in safeguarding their own power.

            Catherine David

            One outcome that is very unfortunate, close to obscene, is that people in the United States are just now suddenly discovering works made more than fifteen years ago—just because a war brings international attention to Lebanon. In the face of that spectacle, we still have to be pragmatic and go on considering Lebanese artistic practices properly, seriously, not just as the current fashion. You could say that the Israeli invasion has radicalized people’s positions. I think it’s very sad, but it’s proof that many artists were right all along—as I heard during many trips to Beirut—that the civil war was ongoing. The war isn’t only the bombing; it also has to do with territorial war, ideological war. And this realization was apparent in many works, whether photography, video, or literature. The most interesting development, in my view, has been the production of works with an experimental and analytical dimension, which is unique and specific to the situation in Beirut.

            Rasha Salti

            I will cite two consequences of the 2006 Israeli war on Lebanon that I deem pertinent to cultural production and curatorial practice in its immediate aftermath. First is the empowerment of civil society. From the first days of the Israeli army strike, a significant number of NGOs leapt to provide aid to people—numbering nearly a million (a little less than a third of the total population of the country)—fleeing from areas in south Lebanon exposed to shelling. By all accounts and from the start, the government’s performance in distributing aid was at best mediocre, at worst bogged down by petty, internecine political disputes. The role of NGOs became central in bringing relief. Their efforts created new networks of collaboration and solidarity that ran across the divides of social and political segregation. For the first time in postwar Lebanon, countercultural, subversive, and marginal cultural production may find itself a wider, more sensitized, and strangely captive audience, opening new channels to a newly diversified audience. The second consequence of the war has been the proliferation of digital video and web technology that document everyday life. Access to the internet allowed people to break from the isolation that siege and shelling enforce. Filmmakers, artists, photographers, journalists, relief workers, and everyday folk began to produce on their own terms images of the lived experience. Some produced short videos and streamed them on the web for a worldwide audience as an act of militancy to inspire solidarity with the plight of the Lebanese people. Others produced archives, because previous wars have left very scant and only “official” archives; others wanted to shape a representation of the military assault to contrast with the logic of newscasts; and others used video to give expression to their subjectivity. The end result is an impressive mass of videos of varying lengths that convey the diverse experiences of the war.

             

             

            TJD

            Could you point to some specific examples of digital video and web based works created during the recent conflict that you feel are exemplary? Or could you identify some of the new sources of distribution?

            RS

            I can cite a few: Cinemayat, Namleh At3a (which translates as “passing ant”), and Beirut DC, the independent collective of filmmakers.2 Also, Ashkal Alwan—the Beirut-based non-profit arts association—is currently producing close to twenty seven videos for a show in April 2007. The activity has not quite stopped. Some films are still in various stages of production and postproduction, but they nonetheless provide for a body of work and expression worthy of examination, analysis, and visibility.

            SD

            Also, there is Cinesoumoud, which emerged from a call filmmakers made during the Eighth Arab Film Festival in Paris in reaction to the Israeli aggression, a few days after the beginning of the war.3 Its aim has been to collect short films and present them on its website and in special screenings around the world. Rasha is right: the production of digital video and the intensive use of web technology had an extremely important impact on the initial artistic output during the war this last summer, for two main reasons: first, because digital video and internet resources became the easiest, most costeffective, and quickest way to raise consciousness of people in and outside Lebanon of the impact of the situation; second, there was a pressing need to document and create visual archives of what was actually happening from a more personal perspective than what the mass media provided. Artists felt the urgency of expressing themselves, and the internet immediately became the most effective way to share their work via blogs and various websites.

             

            TJD

            This turn toward the internet as an independent site for media distribution suggests a struggle over representation—what Cinemayat describes on its website as the Lebanese “reclaiming their own representation.” It seems that Lebanese artists have turned to new media, online videos and photographs, blogs, and so on as a means to articulate forms of experience that aren’t other wise acknowledged by politicians or journalists, to counter the representations of the international mass media.

            CT

            Of course. When I started in 1994, all of this wasn’t happening. This last summer, many people demonstrating in London, Paris, and Egypt against the Israeli invasion were connected to Beirut’s art scene. All these people who have been writing, like Rasha Salti, Naeem Mohaiemen, Zena el-Khalil, Emily Jacir, Tony Chakar, and the Otolith Group, became part of our collective memory. The blogs became lighthouses with global reach, which put Lebanon on the map in a new and significant way.

            TJD

            But is it possible to reclaim one’s representation, when representation is so unstable, appropriable, and easily swayed into fictional constructs? Isn’t this precisely what much Lebanese art is known for: creating representations where the evidentiary mode of photography or video becomes indissociable from imaginary scenarios, as in the docu-fictions of Walid Raad or Joana Hadjithomas and Khalil Joreige? Might the struggle for ownership of one’s representation not fall into the trap of a false freedom, which is what the sophistication of many Lebanese practices otherwise avoids?

            RS

            Perhaps the term “reclaiming” confuses the question. When people made videos or took photographs, in other words, when they shaped an image of the conflict or of themselves in their own hands, the reclaiming pertains more to the impetus; it is not in reference to a total process, with complete control over the manufacture, dissemination, and interpretation of their image. In Lebanon, as in many other societies where an official narrative was never able to prevail, where everything pertaining to the “nation” (its history, present and future) has always been subject to contestation, there is an acute awareness of the fictional potentialities in construction and interpretation of fact. Even in the case of Hezbollah’s constituency—which is arguably the most cogent and disciplined apparatus of ideological coercion—within weeks of the ceasefire the official narrative of how people survived the Israeli assault in the south became imbued with local lore, traditional and religious superstition. The ideological presentation of fact, evidence, logic, and strategy was reformulated, reshaped, altered. I cannot say it was “reclaimed,” but it was “reappropriated”—in some sense contested—however, not to the point of subversion or counterrepresentation.

            CD

            Most of the short movies that have been released by Cinesoumoud were extremely important at the time, working against the representations of the war in the mainstream media and collecting testimonies and images, but they have a different function than other forms of practice, than work developed in a less dramatic and more normal situation—even though it’s difficult to speak of “normality” in Beirut. Otherwise, T. J., what you say is right.The most challenging Lebanese work has nothing to do with naturalism or realism, but rather with articulating a certain paradigm that confronts and deconstructs a complex reality and allows a subject to confront, understand, and react. In a text published a few years ago, for instance, Walid Sadek explained that no matter how good an artist was, there was no way to compete with the criminal speed of political images in Lebanon.4

             

            TJD

            Can you provide some notable examples of artworks that deconstruct realism in provocative ways?

            CD

            Early works by Paola Yacoub and Michel Lasserre produced images of Beirut that, if the viewer doesn’t know the city, might appear banal, flat, and mute. But when one knows about Beirut’s history, it becomes clear that they are dealing with the revelation of certain signs of territorial conflict that might seem cryptic but are idiosyncratic to the Lebanese war landscape, whether in the south or in Beirut. Working out such idiosyncrasies is important when you are dealing with places where modernity has not developed in a canonical way. I would also mention a piece, Al-Kasal (Indolence), published by Bilal Khbeiz and Walid Sadek in 1999 in the Mulhaq, the cultural supplement of An Nahar, edited by Elias Khoury.5 It was about ten pages, something found in the newspaper when you bought it on the stand, like a newspaper in the newspaper. It comprised short texts and large pictures of men lying on the floor. Looking closer, these figures aren’t dead. I think it’s an amazing piece. It’s formally powerful, but not the kind of work one would see in a mainstream art magazine or easily showed in a gallery. For me it was (and still is) a key work, exemplary of a state of mind and a state of things.

             

            TJD

            Can we talk more specifically about curatorial projects and exhibitions that have come out of the recent conflict?

            SD

            We at Espace SD, in collaboration with the artists’ organization Xanadu, decided to organize an event and in October 2006 opened Nafas Beirut, a multimedia exhibition for artists bearing witness to experiences of the conflict. The aim of the exhibition was to create a platform for artists, poets, writers, and filmmakers to share work produced either during or in reaction to the Israeli siege of Lebanon. Incorporated into the monthlong schedule of events were weekly screenings curated by several of the organizations and collectives that helped to produce many of these immediate responses. The exhibition was a great success. This was partly due to the overwhelming media coverage that Nafas Beirut received both locally and internationally. Also the exhibition attracted a large number of visitors who were eager to see the artists’ work because of the timely nature of the subject matter.

             

            TJD

            One work in Nafas Beirut that I found particularly striking (one that also circulated widely on the web) was Mazen Kerbaj’s sound piece, Starry Night (2006), which was basically a “duet” for trumpet played with and against a background of explosions from the Israeli Air Force’s bombing campaign in Lebanon. The trumpet’s hissing squeaks and breathy noises seemed to be as much an attempt to reclaim a sense of agency in a completely disempowered situation as a recognition of the futility of such a gesture. The trumpet is unable to find its voice.

            CT

            Ashkal Alwan is preparing a video project, as Rasha mentioned earlier, which will take place in April 2007. It will focus on several generations of video artists from Beirut, including Ziad An tar, Rima Kaddissi. Wael Nourreddine, Rania Rafei, and Ghassan Salhab.6 One part will be a series of screenings of works by young artists, some of which may be related to the recent crisis, some not.

            CD

            I’ve just seen July Trip by Nourreddine in Paris (it
            will be shown with the other videos in Beirut in April). It’s both a personal testimony about the cruelty and obscenity of war, seen and shot from very close, and an experimental essay, filmed in an extreme situation—the war in southern Beirut and Lebanon. Sudden movements of the camera echo the surrounding violence and terror. In some ways it resembles his earlier video, Ce sera beau (From Beirut with Love, 2005), set in the days following the murder of Rafiq Hariri in 2005. One difference is that the earlier one was filmed in a tense situation, but not during a devastating war, so he had more space to articulate certain issues, focusing on Beirut as a place where young people have few options outside religion, violence, and drugs.

            CT

            I was initially keen on producing works by young artists who are in early stages of their careers, and this project originally had nothing to do with the recent political crisis, although the eruption of war has changed the plans of some participants, and ours too. It allowed us to consider the ways we could facilitate the production of artworks when a whole city was almost falling apart. Ashkal Alwan sent an artists’ appeal to raise funds for video productions. The incredible response to the call allowed us to widen the scope of the project, and it meant being able to produce and coproduce works by both young artists and more established ones. We hoped that by widening the scope we would be able to document the war as we saw it. There was at first no specific theme; the invasion imposed one on us, and the project became an opening for artists who had something to say.

             

            TJD

            What about the next Home Works?

            CT

            Ashkal Alwan is currently planning the fourth edition of Home Works—the series of conferences, exhibitions, and publications held in Beirut and dedicated to cultural practices, organized three times so far.7 It is scheduled for April 2008.

             

            TJD

            Will it have a theme? How will it be conceptualized?

            CT

            The ongoing conflict and the precarious situation we find ourselves in has obliged us to reconsider everything. I am therefore not sure at the moment of the direction of Home Works IV, since we are still close to the present situation. The forum’s previous editions addressed pressing issues that have lingered in our way of life. It remains to be seen how we will move forward. Every time the forum was planned in the past it has been postponed: the first time because of the Intifada, the second time because of the American invasion of Iraq, the third time because of the assassination of prime minister Hariri (and indeed the fourth has already been delayed). We’re talking about the psyche of a structure that can’t seem to move without disturbance, so in some ways it may not be surprising if the fourth edition gets postponed as well. Ongoing conflict has become a state of being. How could the Lebanese move if there was peace and prosperity? I think there would be paralysis, maybe. It’s been thirty-two years of war. As a curator and as someone who was very young when all of this started, I don’t know what it would mean to have peace.

             

            TJD

            But rather than conclude glibly that war is good for art (as it is apparently for business), or that peace leads to cultural paralysis, isn’t it important to acknowledge that the very idea of peace and prosperity is itself a fiction? Because culture, at least any that I’ve known, is itself constituted socially, politically, economically by antagonism and conflict—think of the argument of Chantal Mouffe, for whom social and political disagreement forms the very basis of democracy. Not that we shouldn’t always strive for peace.

            CT

            Exactly. Also, what we say about war can operate on several different levels, as Catherine mentioned. We’ve been discussing physical violence in Lebanon. But there’s a war going on everywhere. Take London as an example: it’s a policed state with surveillance cameras everywhere. You can’t tell me there’s peace here and war there, and then identify the line between them. War is global at the moment, with each city witnessing it, practicing it differently.

             

            TJD

            Absolutely—the world is engulfed in conflict. I’m reminded of Balibar’s warning about the increasing dangers of European apartheid resulting from the growing influx of immigrants without EU political rights, or Agamben identifying a state of exception that is now the rule, with the prospect of a permanent suspension of civil rights in response to an “infinite” war on terror, or Mike Davis on the Planet of Slums, or the new world order of “military neoliberalism,” analyzed by the San Francisco-based collective Retort. It is telling that such political theorization dominates our present. The question—as ever—is what role might art play within all of this. Rasha, how might curators in Lebanon mobilize the newly configured and politicized audience you mentioned earlier?

            RS

            The question is not really to mobilize a constituency, but rather to open channels of dialogue. Because the social and political terms of representation and discourse have been reconfigured recently in Lebanon, there may now be an opportunity, but perhaps it is only slight. For instance, the theoretical question of collective memory of war or violence (its recording and documentation, the tension between the subjective and the collective) is articulated with a more immediate and contemporaneous resonance now.

             

            TJD

            Is the present struggle with media representations the legacy of orientalism, what Edward Said analyzed as the Western-produced system of stereotypical representations of Arab cultures within the sciences and humanities, which served the larger project of colonialism? Do you think that today part of the stakes of Middle Eastern artistic practice is to analyze, stop, and reverse these projections?

            CT

            Of course; this is part of our motivation from the beginning: to reverse these Eurocentric projections, these American-based attitudes toward everybody who is different. There are more tools now, such as blogs, web-based art, etc. Twenty-five years ago few voices represented the Arab world, other than the self nominated guardians of the region.

            CD

            I would say yes and no, because I think in a way it’s more complicated than that. The so-called Orient was also projecting its own images onto the West, although of course the power relationship was asymmetrical. The deconstructive (or anti-orientalist) discourse also tends to reproduce a certain number of received ideas of “the Orient,” “reinventing” it rather perversely. (In that sense the work of Peter Gran—Islamic Roots of Capitalism: Egypt, 1760-1840, published in 1979, a year after Said’s Orientalism—is radical because it shows that if the concept of the “Orient” is rejected, then so is the philosophy of Hegel as well.) I am more interested in the circulation of critical readings of images that negotiate different spaces or just clash.

             

            TJD

            Do you find Said’s analysis obsolete or outmoded?

            CD

            The problem isn’t with Said, but rather that his text has been simplified. His points have been transformed into gimmicks when the situation is actually extremely nuanced. You will never escape the fact that people project onto others—think about the enthusiastic reception of the work of Shirin Neshat, which suggests a simplistic and essentializing counterorientalism that for me is extremely problematic. Or one could mention MoMA’s recent exhibition, Without Boundary : Seventeen Ways of Looking (2006), which was basically an exercise in culturalist propaganda, in that it privileged certain formal expressions that could be “plugged in” to the mainstream symbolic production of globalized elites, without paying any attention to the disjunctions between different segments of artistic production. It is of course easier to deal with pseudocritical works and the aestheticization of clichés than real problems. I also think that to speak about contemporary “Muslim” or “Islamic” art is highly problematic—and one more example of the way cultural and political discourse in the region is simplified and instrumentalized by simplistic strategies and attitudes.

            RS

            When Edward Said was researching and writing Orientalism (the second half of the 1970s), much of what shapes the world today was not yet discernible: the restructuring of global capital and free trade, the drastic shifts in the conditions and sites of economic production, the quasiextermination of social wages (and Keynesian models), the near-total marginalization of unions and their political institutions and expressions, and the consolidation of the hegemony of global media networks. Many argue, and rightly so, that the neoliberal turn was initiated under the mandate of Jimmy Carter, not Ronald Reagan, but its implications were not quite fathomable then. While one of the narratives of this present American empire—the blood-drenched “clash of civilizations”—seems to have been scripted right out of Orientalism (and Said’s Culture and Imperialism), I would still argue that we need to revisit the notion of postcolonialism critically or find a new term. We are living a historical moment when colonizing nations such as the United States and Israel, both heralded as morally grounded paragons of democracy and freedom, have become so morally and ideologically bankrupt that they physically resort to building walls to close off their territories, justifying it with (European) medieval parlance? the “Axis of Evil.” I defend a third position, where the United States and Israel are held accountable for their crimes, and the Syrian regime for its criminal involvement in the Lebanese civil war and postwar (and for its crimes against its own people), and the Iranian regime for its involvement in Afghanistan and Iraq (and for its crimes against its own people). To answer your question, I don’t think we ought to stop, analyze, and reverse projections anymore. Can you reverse fascist discourse? Religious fanaticism? We ought to create our own imaginary, vocabulary, and representations. The world is captive (as is Lebanon) to intellectually stunted and debilitating binaries: “good” versus “evil,” “enduring freedom” versus “Islamofascism.” I refuse to be caught on the slippery slope between these stark Manichean oppositions. More so than Orientalism, it is the set of lectures on humanism that Said delivered in the last few years before he died that I find inspiring nowadays. Furthermore, I have been thinking more and more about what it means to bear witness continuously to war and tragedy. I watch Israel’s demented military campaign in Gaza or the dementia of sectarian strife in Iraq, I am no more than a bystander. Even during the Israeli war in Lebanon this past summer I was essentially a bystander. It is first and foremost a psychologically and emotionally draining position, one filled with ineptitude and powerlessness. How can we turn it around? That’s what I would like to reverse. How can being a bystander transform its negative force into a positive, generative force?

             

            TJD

            Can we talk about Catherine’s project, Contemporary Arab Representations? She’s put an extraordinary amount of energy into drawing art from the Middle East into a critical, generative discourse, beginning with Beirut, moving on to Cairo, and then Iraq.8 Is this not an example of an attempt to create a positive, generative force? Catherine, what’s the current state of the project?

            CD

            I’m currently working on the publication which will follow last year’s presentation of The Iraqi Equation in Berlin, Barcelona, and Umea. It’s a difficult process because we have to confront the hell people are living in Iraq and identify the different elements of what might appear as a new paradigm for this country and the region. The general premises of the project are to give space to critical thinking and practices developed in the region, and to contribute to the consolidation of platforms opened by local people. In other words, learning from, questioning, and polemicizing, more than imposing or even proposing a pseudoexpertise on the Iraq context. It sounds obvious, but many forces today are pushing in opposite directions and just “normalizing” local situations, trying to invent a pacified, simplified, and glossy Middle East. This is what we are trying to resist. We’re also investigating the many correspondences between experimental image and discursive strategies developed in Beirut, Cairo, and other places in the world today, even when one identifies different critical paradigms and articulations at work in different places and culture. From the beginning the idea with the Contemporary Arab Representations project was to devise a platform that is both interregional and international. I am also working on a project planned for Berlin’s Haus der Kulturen der Welt in December 2007. The working title is (Di)Visions of War. After 9/11 and the invasion of Iraq, war has become institutionalized both as the dominant “reality” of the Middle East and as the major frame through which the West perceives the region’s social and cultural productions. We are trying to see how artists and authors currently in the Middle East reflect on war and on discourses of war, in ways that are both locally and globally inflected.

            CT

            It’s important to point out that Catherine is different from the frenzy of all these curators who fly in and out of Beirut. She knows the Lebanese scene well and researched it thoroughly. She created a personal relationship to the city. We can definitely question Contemporary Arab Representations, but it is also fair to emphasize the fact that Catherine has opened many doors for some Lebanese artists.

             

            TJD

            What would it mean today to question her project?

            CT

            Well, I would question the term “contemporary Arab representation” because I am critical of the idea of representation. I don’t believe in specifically Arab representation, Egyptian representation, or German representation. And I am skeptical of geopolitical or ethnically oriented projects. Why should I circumscribe a practice in terms of identity? Why shouldn’t I, as a curator, group Steve McQueen, Lina Saneh, and Renaud Auguste-Dormeuil within an exhibition? This frenzy over identity is part of the global political picture; it’s all about partitioning these days, creating entities on a national level. One can’t separate art practice from politics or the market. Identity serves as a way to create a framework for artists in order to market them, to create a seductive image. We need to question this tendency.

            1. This contribution was originally published in Art Journal, Summer 2007, Vol. 66, No. 2, pp. 98–119. Le Merle would like to thank T.J. Demos, Christine Tohme, Sandra Dagher, Catherine David and Rasha Salti for kindly granting permission to republish it here.
            2. For further information on these groups, see http://beta.cinemayat.org, http://namlehat3a.blogspot.com, and www.beirutletters.org.
            3. See cinesoumoud.net (NE: the link is no longer active.)
            4. “For to remain in Beirut today requires a marked resilience in travelling the circuitous complexity of a city where the roaming of artistic intent is preceded and overlapped by the murderous roaming of political speech.” Walid Sadek, “A Matter of Words,” Parachute 108, “Beyrouth. Beirut” issue (October-December 2002). p 40.
            5. See Walid Sadek, “From Excavation to Dispersion : Configurations of Installation Art in Post-War Lebanon,” in Tamáss I: Contemporary Arab Representations, ed. Catherine David (Barcelona : Fundado Antoni Tapies and Witte de With, 2002).
            6. Video Avril occurred in April 2007 at Al-Madina Theater, Beirut. Additional artists include Malek Anouti, Ali Cherri, Sherine Debs-Harfouche, Nadine Ghanem, Ahmad Ghosien, Mahmoud Hojeij, Joanne Issa, Hisham Jaber, Ali Kays, Anthony Abou Khalife, Rania Majed, Ziad Saad, Halim Sabbagh, Rami Sabbagh, Rana Salem, Roy Samaha, Myriam Sassine, amd Corine Shawi.
            7. The first edition of Home Works was restricted to a regional focus, but the second and third were not; nor will the fourth edition.
            8. See Tamáss I (cited in n. 4), and Tamáss 2: Contemporary Arab Representations: Cairo, ed. Catherine David (Barcelona: Fundación Antoni Tapies and Witte de With, 2004). David also organized the exhibition Contemporary Arab Representations: The Iraqi Equation at Berlin’s KW Institute for Contemporary Art (December 18, 2005-February 26, 2006), which traveled to further venues.

            Threads of Famine and Fortune

            Christian Sleiman
            A family during the Mount Lebanon famine (1915 –1918)1

             

            The myth of silk can be traced back to the year 500 when Mount Lebanon was part of the Byzantine Empire. Following an imperial decree, Nestorian priests embarked on an expedition to Central Asia to unravel the mysteries of silk production. Two years later, these priests returned carrying silkworm eggs concealed within their bamboo canes. This marked the genesis of sericulture in the Byzantine Empire2, particularly in Syria and Lebanon where the mulberry trees on which the silkworms lived were cultivated.

            A thousand years later, the Ottomans employed3 a strategic approach focused on maintaining monopolies over various productions. Each region was designated for specific types of production, and an intricate exchange web compelled other regions to import goods from these designated areas. Lebanon and Syria played crucial roles, primarily devoted to the production of tobacco, textiles, and weapons (specifically blades, swords, knives, and armor). Mount Lebanon was dedicated to silk production.

            Fakhreddine II Ma’an (1572-1635 ) played a pivotal role in the further development of silk farming. He established an industry centered around silk production, ensuring economic autonomy for the Emirate of Mount Lebanon (now part of the Ottoman Empire) through commercial exchanges with Tuscany and Modena. Raw silk bundles sourced from around the country were centralized and sold in Sidon, Tripoli, and Beirut, where local weavers sourced their silk.

            In this economic dance, the Ottoman Empire banned other forms of production, prioritizing the needs of the empire over investing in self-sustaining ecosystems. The extraction of salt in Lebanon was prohibited in favor of production in Anatolia, Cyprus, and a small part of Syria. The empire went so far as to destroy various salt ponds and impose fines on those caught extracting salt from the sea. During this time, stories emerged of women carrying clay containers with salt water and drying them in private domestic structures in the mountains, away from the coastline. This period led to the country becoming heavily reliant on trade for essential goods and food ingredients, particularly due to the rise of mulberry monoculture, which was estimated to have taken up 45% of the agricultural sector.

            Sericulture in Lebanon was the driving force in the “development” of the country, especially after forming ties with France. It represented an opportunity for the expansion of the French public and private sectors. In the 19th century, Lebanon’s reputation flourished through collaboration with silk weavers in Lyon, on the other side of the Mediterranean. Teams of spinners were brought from France to train young women, marking significant social disruption in a traditionally rural part of the country. The French Consul in Beirut counted no fewer than 183 spinning mills in Lebanon. The transportation of silk cocoons and silk from Beirut’s port to Marseille4 laid the foundations for maritime ties. Similarly, loan grants to intermediaries and traders looking to purchase silk cocoons from farmers set the groundwork for financial trading posts, leading to the establishment of the first Lebanese bank and the development of the port of Beirut. The presence of French silk spinners and French Jesuits also contributed to the establishment of Beirut’s Saint-Joseph University, originally a branch of Lyon University, as well as several private schools founded by  Catholic congregations. Thus, through the silk industry, the French language was popularized in Lebanon. In those days, the silk season was a significant agro-industrial event involving thousands of Lebanese workers, constituting 50% of the GDP of Mount Lebanon.

            In the late 19th century, advancements in synthetic silk production in China provided a cheaper and more convenient option, gradually reducing the demand for natural silk. The Ottoman economy faced challenges5 related to financial mismanagement, corruption, and debt. The empire struggled to modernize its economic systems and infrastructure, contributing to economic stagnation. Military defeats in various locations further weakened its position. The final blow came with the failure of crops in Mount Lebanon, resulting in reduced food availability for sale or consumption. With the scarcity of food infrastructure and dependency on other regions within the Ottoman Empire, Mount Lebanon could not self-sustain for years to come. The situation worsened with a locust invasion that, due to monoculture farming, rapidly consumed crops.

             

            Silk production in lebanon.6

             


            Silk production in Lebanon.7

             

            During World War I, the Ottoman Empire prioritized its own soldiers for the available food stock in alliance with Germany. France and Britain seized this opportunity and imposed sea blockades on the area to further weaken the influence of the Ottoman Empire and facilitate their own colonial project in the region. All these factors contributed to the famine in Mount Lebanon8 that took place in late 1915. It is estimated that between onethird and half of the population died between 1916 and 1918. Stories from the period depict people going back to foraging, consuming food normally reserved for animals, eating the bark and roots of trees, and in some cases, resorting to cannibalism. A British woman, Myriam Peez Bou Sader9, who married a Lebanese man who survived the famine, wrote a diary, which is now one of the rare documents that help us understand this period. In the diary, she mentioned selling some personal belongings for bread, preparing a birthday for her daughter using one found egg with some bread leftovers, and surviving for a few days on orange peels.

             

             

            ***

             

            The memory of this famine resurfaced after the financial crisis in 2019 in Lebanon. As the currency was devalued, imports were paused. The situation worsened with the pandemic, and got even worse after the Beirut Port explosion of August 4, 2020. Out of necessity, people started utilizing every piece of land owned for agriculture. We were even advised by our politicians to start cultivating our own food.

            The origin of the explosion was a silo containing the country’s reserve of wheat and ammonium nitrate. Both components were weaponized. In fact, the famines that we experienced in modern history were a combination of natural disasters, crop failure, economic catastrophe, and most importantly, political gain. The most recent form of famine is man-made. The manipulation of food availability and agricultural resources has long been used to exert control and influence.

            The Irish Potato Famine10(1845-1852) in Ireland was exacerbated by British government policies and the potato blight. British landlords continued to export food from Ireland despite the famine, prioritizing profit over Irish lives.

            The Bengal Famine11(1943) in British India resulted from British colonial policies, wartime inflation, and crop failure, with local resources diverted to support the military during World War II.

            The Ethiopian Famine12(1983-1985) was driven by drought, civil war, and government policies, with the Ethiopian government using food as a weapon against rebel regions.

            The North Korean Famine (1994-1998) was caused by government policies, natural disasters, and economic mismanagement, with the government maintaining political control despite widespread starvation.

            The ongoing Yemen Famine ( 2016 -present ) is a result of the civil war and a Saudi-led blockade, with political leverage and control over resources being key factors.

             

             

             

            ***

             

            After France and Britain imposed a naval blockade on the shores of Lebanon to exacerbate the famine taking place under the Ottomans in 1916, news circulated about an Italian ship, Rosana13, en route to Beirut, rumored to be carrying essential supplies. Women, in weary monotones, sang in anticipation of the ship’s arrival. Men gathered at the Beirut port, scanning the horizon in hopes of spotting the approaching vessel. The haunting melody reached Aleppo, a nearby city spared from the famine, and prompted a swift response from its merchants to get food to Beirut. Aleppo’s traders smuggled wheat and lentils in caravans, arriving in Beirut under the cover of night. While food reached Lebanon through other means, the fate of the aid carried by the Rosana ship remains unclear today. “Roasana” became a popular folk song performed by Wadih el Safi, Sabah, Fairuz, and other local singers.

             

            This text is an edited transcript from a culinary presentation that took place in the Netherlands on June 1st as part of a supper club with M4gastateliers, Amsterdam. The research presented was accompanied by a three-course menu.

             

            1. Online: https://en.wikipedia.org.
            2. Kamal Salibi, A House of Many Mansions: The History of Lebanon Reconsidered (1988).
            3. Leila Fawaz, An Occasion for War: Civil Conflict in Lebanon and Damascus in 1860 (1994).
            4. Samir Kassir, History of Beirut (2003).
            5. Engin Deniz Akarlı, The Long Peace: Ottoman Lebanon, 1861–1920 (1993).
            6. Feeding silk-worms their breakfast of mulberry leaves, Mt. Lebanon, Syria. Picture: Underwood & Underwood. U-157899. Online: https://trafo.hypotheses.org/29330
            7. Boiling cocoons to loosen fibre ends in Syria’s largest silk reeling plant, Mt. Lebanon. Picture: Underwood & Underwood. U-157695. Online: https://trafo.hypotheses.org/29330
            8. Tylor Brand, Famine in Mount Lebanon during the First World War (2014, PhD Dissertation).
            9. Myriam Peez Bou Sader, Diary of the Mount Lebanon Famine (archival document).
            10. Christine Kinealy, This Great Calamity: The Irish Famine 1845–52 (1994).
            11. Madhusree Mukerjee, Churchill’s Secret War: The British Empire and the Ravaging of India during World War II (2010).
            12. Alex de Waal, Famine Crimes (1997).
            13. Folk song “Ya Rosana” (performed by Fairuz, Wadih El Safi, Sabah).

            Lebanon’s Unregulated Forests: How Tragedies Can Ignite Homegrown Transformations

            Sammy Kayed

            One could argue that Akkar, more than any other region in Lebanon, epitomizes both the country’s incredible natural heritage and its spiraling economic and political crises.1

            While Lebanon sets records for the loss of purchasing power, rapid financial collapse, social injustice, and frequency of government deadlock, Akkar regularly emerges as the most challenged across multiple dimensions of poverty.23 Yet, it is considered to have the richest forests, biodiversity, and water resources in a country that regionally stands apart for these attributes.4 Separations between natural wealth and socio-economic poverty are being joined by newfound opportunities, materializing over the last three years, with residents seeking to relieve their financial troubles by cutting trees. With little to no state regulation in forests, Akkar has become a hotbed for this understandable but possibly ecologically irreversible recourse.

            This paper tells the story of how the greatest rate of forest loss in Akkar’s recorded history is being met by local activists organizing, resisting forest overexploitation, garnering resources, and onboarding the wider community in an unprecedented fashion. Their acts of solidarity happened in the face of recent conflict and casualty over forest resources stressed by climate extremes. Given the sensitive nature of the paper, I chose to keep interlocutors, contacted between September and December 2022, anonymous.

            Akkar is Lebanon’s northmost governorate comprising only 7% of the nation’s territory but retaining one of the highest levels of biological diversity and endemism (the state of a species being unique to a geographical area) in the Middle East region.5 Studies indicate that Akkar enjoys the highest overall density of ecosystem services, the many human benefits and basic lifesupporting services provided by nature, in the country.6 However, every one of these benefits or lifelines derived from nature is being disturbed by the staggering loss of local forests.

             

            Tree cover loss in Akkar Lebanon between 2001 and 2021 reported in hectares ( Source: Global Forest Watch, 2022 ).

             

            In 2021 alone, the loss of forests in Akkar was about 1,200% higher than the average over the previous 20 years.7 This region is home to the largest continuous conifer forest and the greatest density of trees in Lebanon, and in one year, 5.4% of that tree cover was lost.

            The primary driver of this loss is wildfires with 87% of the 2021 loss stemming from fires fueled by disproportionate climate change.8 Lebanon is located in one of the world’s most vulnerable climate change hot spots, with temperatures expected to rise 20% faster than the global average.9 As climate change increases the severity and frequency of wildfires, high-altitude ecosystems such as the juniper forests of Akkar have been documented burning for the first time.10

            In addition to the fires, over the last three years, Akkar’s forests have been facing higher rates of tree cutting.11 The rising cost of diesel has caused a massive market shift towards the use of wood for heating and a wrenching drive for local communities not only to cut more trees for personal heating but for their livelihood as well. With Akkar’s wood for sale across the country, tree loss is breaking past historically sustainable boundaries. A resident of Akkar el Atiqa, the largest village in the mountainous parts of Akkar, explains how “the majority of the 20,000 people living here have either retrofitted their diesel furnaces to wood or bought wood furnaces for heating.” On a visit to her village, she further explained: “We used to all rely on diesel for heating but the huge increases in diesel cost and reduced purchasing power have caused nearly everyone to transition to the use of wood.” One gas station owner told Almashareq News: “Diesel sales have declined by 80% compared to the same period last year”12; while a wood vendor told Al-Monitor: “This year we’ve witnessed the highest demand for wood logs ever as people are using wood not only for heating but for cooking too.”13 And so, loggers, known by interlocuters to be primarily from the area, are persistently present in the forest where fuel wood is streaming out. Some are cutting within their own means using traditional methods, chopping by hand, and loading donkeys for transport. But even with this traditional method, the interviewed residents of Akkar el Atiqa are concerned with the number of people relying on the surrounding forest these years. During a hike I took in October 2022 with 12 members of this community around the Qammoua forest, one person noticed: “We’ve been in here for three hours and we’ve already seen around 15 men with their donkeys or motorcycles loaded with wood and exiting the forest… imagine that this is happening here daily.” One of those men with a wood-strapped donkey approached us, explained he is cutting trees to provide for his disabled child, and asked us to record his name and phone number in case we are part of an NGO providing any cash for work opportunities. A resident explained we are not but took his contact details, nonetheless.

            The previous day, I visited a school in the area during an awareness session about forest loss organized voluntarily by engaged community members. Afterward, the school principal, whose students are working with their fathers to cut trees, told me: “I don’t blame them… as much as I love our forests and trees and educate the students on our duties to protect them, I cannot tell a father who is desperate to keep his family fed and warm to not cut a tree… In these times, I’ll encourage him to cut the tree and to cut it with his head high.”

            But the old-fashioned loggers trying to provide for their families are countered by a more sinister force at work in the rich oak and conifer forests of Akkar. Intentional fire ignition and armed men cutting trees, unanimously reported by 10 interlocutors questioned on the issue, along with incidents of territorial conflict over trees are periodically threathening the area’s stability.14 On 25 August 2021, an intense armed clash broke out between residents of neighboring villages of Akkar al-Atiqa and Fneideq over logging, which led to one death, two injuries, and the fear of a widening conflict.15 Interlocutors who know people from their community involved in the incident said the person tragically passed away because he was not evacuated quickly enough from the densely wooded area. This compelled local authorities to cut a new road into the heart of the forest above Akkar el Atiqa with the rationale of enabling better defense of the forest. Ironically, the road has done the opposite, opening an easy access route for tree cutters.

            More recently, around two dozen people (most of whom are known to residents of the area) are believed by residents to be intentionally lighting fires to ease the way for tree cutting or are shamelessly cutting huge numbers of trees in response to the market’s high demand for heating wood. When I asked residents why they believe fires are used as a stepping-stone to tree cutting, there was compelling consensus: fires, first and foremost, reduce the social backlash faced by tree cutters. One local explained it to me by saying: “We are the forest’s best defense but when the forest burns, our community tends to perceive the forest as dead and is, therefore, more likely to disregard rampant tree cutting.” When fires are not a factor, community members in Akkar talk about incidents of trees being cut by armed men who appear ready to go to extreme lengths to ensure their operations are not disrupted.

            Three community members I interviewed tell of one incident, combining fires and violence around tree cutting, that allegedly happened late in the fall of 2022. They reported that when a small but growing fire in the forests above Akkar el Atiqa was reported to the local civil defense firefighting unit, a team was deployed. As the firefighters made their way up one of the forest’s peripheral dirt roads, they were met by a couple of men blocking access. As the firefighters explained they were coming to put out the fire, one of the men told them they are not allowed to pass and must turn back. The firefighters became adamant about passing and an altercation took place where one of the firefighters was stabbed with a knife and his team had to return to the village to seek medical attention. The firefighter has since recovered but the fire was not put out and the firefighter was politically pressured to drop the charges against his attacker. The same community members who tell this account, also explained how this was just one of the instances that demonstrated the kind of violence some were resorting to and the unknown power holders that back them. Local police who were allegedly informed in the summer of 2022 of the homes and names of two dozen armed men cutting trees have not prosecuted any of them. Additionally, over eight months ago, at least 100 illegal logging violations were submitted by the Ministry of Environment (MoE) to prosecutors but there is no evidence they are being investigated.16 As one activist living in the village of Qoubaiyat explained: “The people trying to protect nature would be better off without any of the little established government present here… this might at least level the playing field… but with their presence, those who are exploiting the forest are backed up and keep winning.”

            Municipal forest guards used to patrol the forests of Akkar reasonably well facilitating more sustainable and equitable tree cutting. However, their devalued wages, alleged increases in bribery, and hesitation around stoking tensions have combined to push them to either turn a blind eye to unsanctioned logging or reportedly resort to tree-cutting themselves. A recipe for greater disaster lies before the area as a result of wildfires fueled by climate change, practically non-existent government regulations, the increasing reliance on wood for heating and livelihoods, and incorrigible appetites to light fires and cut trees. If the current trend of forest loss continues for the next few years, this biodiversity jewel of Lebanon and the multigenerational livelihoods it has supported will become unrecognizable. Despite government shortcomings and grave risks associated with resisting over-exploitation, Akkar’s ecological calamity is not falling on deaf ears. Grass root activists are in high spirits and have been organizing, resisting, garnering resources, and onboarding the wider community. The four interviewed activists agreed that their activities generated around three years ago; the same period when forest cover loss increased dramatically. They are pushing a multitude of efforts forward that primarily revolve around building reciprocity between local communities and the forest and brilliantly increasing the caliber of social backlash that over-exploiters of the forest must face.

            While the Council for Environment and Heritage Protection has been active for 30 years as a group of nature enthusiasts in Quobayet, four years ago they registered as a not-for-profit organization, pulling in new resources and local participants to popularize community forest protection. They more regularly invite community members on trips to forage wild edibles and turn them into traditional meals as one of the most relatable entries into reciprocity with nature. Four years ago, they also created the Rural Encounters on Environment and Film (REEF) Festival as the first environmental film festival in the Arab world. Realizing that so many love watching films, they established this festival to attract new audiences to engage in Akkar’s nature. One member of the group explains how this festival is creating “unbelievable” economic opportunities for the local community. After a few years, many local livelihoods are reportedly supported by the festival, which in turn nurtures forest protection. One member of the Council explains during a foraging trip they invited me to: “This successful eco-house we are at is surrounded by forests and the owner is constantly keeping watch and immediately confronting or socially exposing loggers operating in public land… He is one of the many small businesses that now recognize that their livelihood depends on it.” They are also pressuring local and national decisionmakers through direct conver-sation, exposing their affiliation to environmental damages, and mobilizing their growing network to speak to their representatives about keeping land public as a potential place for establishing common ground between conflicting parties. The same Council member says: “We love this land even more because it belongs just as much to me as it does to you or someone from the far south or the far east of the country.”

            For the last year and a half, the Environment Academy (EA), housed at the American University of Beirut’s Nature Conservation Center, has been supporting local organizing around the nation’s largest continuous conifer forest surrounding the community of Akkar el Atiqa. As the Director and Co-founder of the program, I have been supporting a team of four environmental activists making up the EA Local Community Team to further strengthen reciprocal practices between the forest and those who benefit from it, including shepherds, farmers, students, craftspeople, scouts, public authorities, as well as residents who recreationally spend time in the forest or traditionally harvest wood for personal use. Together, we have been slowly giving rise to a national nature reserve. The idea of a reserve is still foreign or off-putting to some members of these groups who are concerned it will compromise their livelihood or private land development plans. Subsequently, we are doubling our efforts to converse with many members of these groups about a more inclusive type of nature reserve where they are involved in collectively developing a governing ecosystem management plan that they can believe in and steward. The EA Local Community Team has put together an impressive file including the official backing of Akkar el Atiqa’s Municipal Council, a report evidencing the multiple intrinsic values and ecosystem services of the forest, dozens of official real estate certificates for each land parcel included in the reserve’s boundaries, and a filled MoE application form to establish a national nature reserve. The file has been submitted to the MoE after a half-dozen cocreation meetings with them. In July of 2022, during a field visit I took part in with the Minister of Environment–where over 100 community members joined to support the work of the EA Local Community Team–a respected elderly member of the Akkar community responded to the introduction of the Minister saying: “We no longer need to be convinced that creating a reserve is good for us and our environment… our lived experience over the past couple years has already taught us this.”

            Akkar Trail was established in 2012 as an informal group of nature enthusiasts focused on hiking. In the last two years, they have widely expanded their reach and diversified their activities formally registering as a not-for-profit organization and engaging many of Akkar’s residents in a multitude of homegrown and crowdfunded actions. The group has helped create six new walking trails in the forests of Akkar, secured multiple firefighting trucks for their villages, facilitated the planting and caretaking of over 11,000 native forest trees, and supported programs to provide community members with rapidly growing trees that can be planted on private lands to provide an alternative source of firewood in a couple of years. The great majority of these efforts are crowdfunded by the diaspora or residents of the area, which speaks to Akkar Trail’s organizational capacity and the current atmosphere of community mobilization around local forests. One member I interviewed explained: “In this short time we’ve taught many people to love nature, and this is represented in another event we just put on where over 500 community members came out to plant trees in multiple areas where they have been heavily cut.” Some of their involved local activists are even pouring their own money into keeping the response alive with another member reporting : “I lost my truck when trying to help put out a fire in 2021… I can’t afford to replace it, but I have no regrets about what I did.”

            Akkar’s growing spirit of activism, love of the land, and protest against exploitative forces are creating real reasons for hope in an otherwise desperate context. The area is demonstrating how homegrown actions possible by their ability to place iNGOs, universities, and other development actors behind locally formed goals rather than those imposed by organizational headquarters on target areas. These case studies and accounts demonstrate how the grassroots of Akkar are synergizing to increase the power of community organizing and community backlash; one of the last promising forces against irreversible over-exploitation of Lebanon’s richest forests. I hope Akkar’s grassroots might inspire other parts of the country and other communities across the Middle East and North Africa region who face environmental injustice or over-exploitation of natural resources to organize and find their own ways of acting amidst government inaction. As one local activist concluded in my interview with him: “We are reappropriating the rise of the phoenix, and we are doing so out of love for our lands and nature.”

            1. The following text was initially published as part of the environment politics series of the Arab Reform Initiative in April 2023. The Arab Reform Initiative is an independent Arab think tank working with expert partners in the Middle East and North Africa and beyond to articulate a home-grown agenda for democratic change and social justice. It conducts research and policy analysis and provides a platform for inspirational voices based on the principles of diversity, impartiality, and gender equality. Online: https://www.arab-reform.net/
            2. UN ESCWA, Multidimensional poverty in Lebanon (2019-2021) Online: https://www.unescwa.org/
            3. World Bank, Lebanon: Multi-dimension Poverty Index. Online: https://blogs.worldbank.org/
            4. AUB, The importance of protecting the Lebanese High Mountains: A preliminary ecosystem services assessment. Online: https://www.es-partnership.org/
            5. Ecologica Mediterrania, Towards the establishment of a natural park in Eastern Mediterranean forests. Online: https://www.persee.fr/
            6. The study’s ecosystem service factors included provision of food, water, and raw material; regulation of climate, water flows, soil fertility, water quality, pollination, and habitat; and support of cultural identity and recreation (AUB, The importance of protecting the Lebanese High Mountains: A preliminary ecosystem services assessment). Online: https://www.espartnership.org/
            7. Global Forest Watch, Lebanon. Online: https://gfw.global/46nrxRB
            8. Charbel Mahfoud, Jocelyne Adjizian-Gerard, Local adaptive capacity to climate change in mountainous agricultural areas in the eastern Mediterranean (Lebanon), Climate Risk Management, Volume 33, 2021, Online: https://www.sciencedirect.com/
            9. IPCC, WGII Sixth Assessment Report. Online: https://www.ipcc.ch/report/
            10. The National News, Bushfires threaten to destroy Lebanon’s ancient mountain forests. Online: https://www.thenationalnews.com/
            11. Abby Sewell, “A Tale of Opportunity and Need: Illegal Logging Is Rife in North Lebanon.” in L’Orient-Le Jour, 17 February 2022. Online: https://today.lorientlejour.com/article/
            12. “Lebanese Face a Cold Winter without Mazout.” Al-Mashareq, 26 janvier 2022. Online: https://almashareq.com/
            13. Online: https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/
            14. “Forest Fires Add to Lebanon’s Combustible Climate.” The Arab Weekly, 29/07/2021. Online: https://thearabweekly.com/
            15. Reuters. “Lebanese Army Deploys in Area North after Deadly Violence.” Reuters, 26 août 2021. Online: https://www.reuters.com/
            16. Abby Sewell, “A Tale of Opportunity and Need: Illegal Logging Is Rife in North Lebanon.” in L’Orient-Le Jour, 17.02.2022. https://today.lorientlejour.com/

            Beirut Through its Public Spaces: An Interview with Rena Karanouh

            Rena Karanouh Sevan Injejikian

            Rena Karanouh’s research project, Last Out of Beirut Turn off the Light: A Chronicle of Beirut Through its Public Spaces (2023), explores debates surrounding urban spaces in post-war Beirut and examines the modes of resistance used by its residents against the hegemony of the political class. Karanouh’s project incorporates her personal illustrations and photographs, as well as archival material and historical photographs. She also interweaves interviews, surveys, maps, and participatory observations into her work. In March 2023, her work was exhibited at the Art and Media Lab of the Isabel Bader Centre in Kingston, Ontario.

             

             

            Sevan Injejikian

            Could you tell us about your background as an illustrator and what influences your work?

            Rena Karanouh

            I have a BA in graphic design and an MFA in illustration. My illustrations reflect on social, political and environmental issues. I enjoy illustration as a tool because it is a non-verbal form of communication that transcends language barriers and can be more direct and emotionally resonant than text. I have had different sources of inspiration, among them illustrators such as Milton Glaser, David Gentleman, Paul Hogarth, Ben Shahn, Tomi Ungerer, Ralph Steadman, and Ronald Searle.

            SI

            How did you recruit participants for the project?
            Did you have specific criteria in mind?

            RK

            At first, I asked people I knew, such as family, friends, and acquaintances. I also contacted sources from the literature I was reading. Some people suggested that I talk to their family and friends, and the number of participants grew to over 60. It all evolved at its own pace. Beirut is such a small town that everyone knows everyone.

            I also walked all over Beirut and spoke to people on the street, at the beach, in shops, and in gardens. I talked to security guards, army personnel and municipality guards. Sometimes they would notice me drawing or taking photos and ask me what I was doing, and sometimes I would approach them and ask them a question, usually leading to long conversations.

            I would explain what I was working on, and they
            would spend the next few hours taking me around their neighbourhood. It was a fluid way to meet people and get them to talk about the city. Many expressed how happy they were that I was reminding them of Beirut in a better light after so much political turmoil, and how no one had ever asked them before to share their memories. This project opened up new avenues for research and discussion about the complexities of collective memory, especially in divided societies, particularly in the materiality of built environments within the intricate context of Beirut.

            SI

            Your research project recenters the people of Beirut and their voices in debates about the politics of space. You describe their stories as acts of resistance that challenge hegemonic representations of the city. Could you discuss the significance of oral history and storytelling in your work, as well as the role of collective memory in retrieving stories from Beirut’s past and reimagining its future?

            RK

            Oral history and storytelling are extremely important in the context of Beirut’s rich and turbulent past, as well as its prospective future. In a neoliberal environment where all historical aspects of Beirut, its culture, its architecture and its social fabric are being erased by a political class that prefers to privatize public spaces, oral history serves as a conduit for the voices of previous generations.

            It allows us to learn about communities through
            their own stories, preserving the city’s traditions, customs, and people’s lived experiences through spoken words and personal narratives. These stories establish a sense of belonging among Beirut residents of all backgrounds and ethnicities. In a city as diverse and divided as Beirut, storytelling helps develop shared narratives that transcend cultural and generational boundaries.

            Oral history puts the collective memory of Beirut’s past at its centre. It is a testament to the city’s tenacity in the face of civil war, political turmoil, and restoration. These memories are more than just recollections; they lay the groundwork for reconciliation and understanding. By revisiting narratives of recovery and restoration, residents of Beirut can rethink the city’s potential for a brighter future.

            These narrative traditions are more than just
            modes of communication or historical records; they are living manifestations of the city’s cultural and historical identity. They represent the soul of Beirut, a place where past and future collide in an ongoing story. It is important for me to portray Beirut as having a soul. The soul of a city can be lost but it is in these stories that it can be revived.


            A Memory Map of Al Bourj in Beirut (Rena Karanouh) This map was hand-drawn by a 75-year-old civil engineer. He depicted all the streets, and shops, cinemas, and clubs in the Bourj area. Although he had not been there since 1975 his memory did not falter as he was drawing the map. Size: 60cm x 30cm.

             

            SI

            In your project, you argue that the lack of public space in Beirut represents a form of violence forced on its residents. You draw from Martin Coward’s notion of urbicide,1 defining the destruction of the built environment and exclusionary political programs that deny the heterogeneity of communities as the epitome of ‘political violence.’2 How did the series of conflicts known as the Lebanese Civil War (1975–1990) and the reconstruction era that followed contribute to an urbicide that normalized the absence of a central communal space in Beirut? What kind of impact did the political establishment’s neoliberal policies of privatization of public space have on Beirut’s residents?

            RK

            The Lebanese Civil War, as well as the later reconstruction period, had a deep and long-lasting impact on Beirut’s metropolitan landscape. This time period was marked by “urbicide,” or the intentional destruction of the city’s built environment. The fighting took its toll on neighbourhoods, historic landmarks, and key infrastructure, resulting in significant destruction and a fragmented urban landscape and society.

            Post-war reconstruction in Beirut was marked by exclusionary political programs that prioritized the interests of powerful elites and international investors. The reconstruction was geared towards tourists and the elite while completely neglecting the city’s residents and their social fabric, which had been obliterated after 15 years of war. As a result, Beirut’s rich tapestry of various heterogeneous groups was decimated.

            As political elites and foreign interests vied for control, the city’s sense of common spaces, once vital to its character, faded into the background amidst privatization and development projects in the name of “reconstruction.” Private developers like Solidere purchased large swaths of the city, transforming public spaces into exclusive, high-end developments.3 As these spaces became securitized and commercial-orientated, the principles of accessible and inclusive community spaces were abandoned.

            These developments had far-reaching consequences. They increased social and economic inequality in Beirut, marginalizing lower-income neighbourhoods in particular, barring them from venues that should have been open and welcoming to all. The absence of common areas for all residents was normalized and prevented contact between communities. Residents became acclimated to the idea that there were limited public areas for gathering, interaction, and community-building. The city’s urban fabric evolved to prioritize commercial interests over the well-being and inclusion of its varied groups, perpetuating a sense of political violence and dislocation long after the guns were put down.

            SI

            Several authors have discussed the Arab city as an urban system not based on its morphology, but on the social relations of its communities.4 Building on their work, and the observations from your project’s participants, you argue that social interactions generate public space in Beirut. How does the Corniche, which you consider the quintessential public space in Beirut, function as a place of encounter today in a city that is heavily segregated?5

            RK

            In Beirut, the urban system is fundamentally shaped by the social relations of its communities. This perspective recognizes that the city’s identity and function are deeply intertwined with the interactions, social dynamics, and histories of its residents.

            The Corniche is a cosmopolitan gathering place where residents of varied backgrounds and communities can be made visible to each other. In a city marked by social and political divisions, the Corniche often acts as neutral ground that most importantly cannot be claimed by any one community as their own. It is a place where residents can come together without the weight of sectarian or political affiliations, promoting a sense of unity and shared identity through common activities. People engage in conversations, picnics, and leisurely activities, creating opportunities for cross-community interaction that might be limited in other urban contexts.

            The Corniche has also come to symbolize Beirut’s resilience. It has weathered the challenges of conflict and reconstruction and continues to serve as a testament to the city’s determination to maintain public spaces that encourage interaction and connection. This resilience has preserved the Corniche from exploitation. The installation of parking meters along the Corniche failed due to protests, and projects such as the construction of a 60-meterlong pier have been shelved.

            It is important to note that despite its significance, the Corniche does not resolve the broader issues of segregation and division in the city. Beirut remains a city with deeply entrenched social, political, and economic disparities. While the Corniche serves as a space of encounter, it cannot singlehandedly address these structural problems. However, it does provide a symbolic and practical space for residents to bridge divides and celebrate their shared urban identity.

              The Corniche of Beirut (Rena Karanouh) The Corniche is Beirut’s quintessential public space. It links the densely urban Beirut to the Mediterranean Sea. The only place left to view the sea is from the Corniche as the newly built walls of high-rise towers lining the city’s edge have blocked the view to the sea. Many different activities take place in this public space. Size: 75cm x 75cm.

             

            SI

            You argue that countering the political establishment’s neoliberal policies on public space is an exercise in democracy that calls for the redistribution of power. Could you talk about some local grassroots movements, activist groups, and coalitions in Beirut fighting to reclaim public coastal spaces? How have they mobilized as independent voices outside dominant political structures, and what kind of creative actions have they taken to reclaim spaces like the Dalieh?6

            RK

            The Civil Campaign for the Protection of Dalieh is a coalition of civil society organizations and concerned individuals that has played a critical role in advocating for the Dalieh’s protection. They have employed a range of tactics, including awareness campaigns, public engagement, and legal actions to challenge development plans that could harm the site. Also known as the “Save the Dalieh” campaign, it has been a prominent movement dedicated to protecting the Dalieh of Raouche, a coastal area of ecological and cultural value. The campaign has brought together activists, artists, architects, and concerned citizens. They have organized protests, art exhibitions, and cultural events at the site to highlight its importance and to challenge development projects that could threaten its preservation.

            Dar Onboz’s Khebez w Meleh (bread and salt)
            campaign was created to encourage residents of Beirut to return to the Dalieh for picnics and relaxation. Initially focused on local governance issues, Beirut Madinati (Beirut My City) has evolved into a grassroots political movement that advocates for sustainable urban planning and preservation of public spaces. Their platform includes proposals for improving Beirut’s public spaces, making them more accessible and environmentally friendly.

            Grassroots movements have also focused on educational initiatives, such as workshops, lectures, and guided tours. These aim to inform the public about the ecological and cultural significance of public spaces, raising awareness and building a sense of ownership among community members. Often, these grassroots movements collaborate with environmental non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to leverage expertise and resources in advocating for the protection of public spaces. These partnerships strengthen their advocacy efforts and broaden their impact. By mobilizing as independent voices outside dominant political structures, these groups have sought to counter the influence of neoliberal policies on public space and promote a more democratic approach to urban planning.

            The Balcony (Rena Karanouh) The changing view from my balcony. Size: 60cm x 40cm.

             

             

            SI

            Issam, a 40-year-old geologist and participant in your project, discusses the importance of the Dalieh as both a geological and heritage site. How do civil society initiatives aimed at reclaiming the Dalieh and public spaces in Beirut intersect with environmental justice work?

            RK

            Reclaiming public spaces involves safeguarding and nurturing the natural environments nestled within urban landscapes. In the case of the Dalieh, the recognition of its geological significance underscores the need to preserve it as a heritage site. Civil society initiatives often focus on public spaces in underserved or marginalized communities. By advocating for the reclamation and revitalization of these spaces, they address concerns of social equity intertwined with environmental justice. This endeavour extends the right to enjoy and experience nature to communities that have been historically excluded. Environmental justice initiatives often aim to bolster resilience in the face of environmental challenges, including the daunting spectre of climate change. Reclaiming public spaces can play a pivotal role in promoting urban sustainability by creating green spaces that enhance community well-being and mitigate environmental risks.

            SI

            You describe some campaigns initiated to protect the Dalieh as a return to tanuzah, a social practice common before the civil war that involved spending time outdoors. Shams, an 80-year-old fisherman and participant in your project, discusses how the October 2019 Uprising, or Thawra, empowered him to assert his right to public space through the simple act of fishing near the Saint Georges Bay again, an area he had not been able to access since the civil war.7 Could you tell us more about the meaning of tanuzah in this context, and how practices like it, which may seem apolitical, can become acts of political contestation by civil society?

            RK

            In this context, tanuzah represents a cultural practice deeply ingrained in Lebanese society. It involves the simple yet meaningful act of spending time outdoors, in the open air, often by the sea, and signifies a connection to nature and the communal experience. Before the Lebanese Civil War, tanuzah was a common practice that reflected a way of life where people came together to enjoy the beauty of the outdoors and the company of one another. It was more than a leisurely activity; it was a cultural and social tradition. However, what makes tanuzah especially significant in the context of the Dalieh and similar spaces in Beirut is how this seemingly apolitical practice can transform into an act of political contestation by civil society.

            The October 2019 Uprising, or Thawra, was pivotal in inspiring individuals to engage in acts of contestation. It awakened a sense of agency and empowered people to assert their rights, including the right to access and enjoy public spaces. Tanuzah was practiced before the October 2019 Uprising but it increasingly became a collective expression of dissent and political resistance after these events. When people resume the practice of tanuzah and gather to engage in outdoor activities, it symbolizes their unity and determination to reclaim spaces that were once off-limits. In essence, tanuzah and similar practices transcend their cultural and recreational roots to become powerful vehicles of political contestation. They carry profound symbolic meaning, representing the resilience and determination of civil society to assert their rights and advocate for a more inclusive, open society, especially where public spaces are restricted due to political or social factors.

            SI

            Beirut, in comparison to its population and size, has few parks and public gardens. Since the end of the civil war, no legal garden has been built in the city. The Laziza Garden, an unofficial public garden built on private land, seems to be an exception.8 This speaks to the scarcity and precariousness of public spaces in Beirut. How do you situate the Laziza Garden in relation to Henri Lefebvre’s “right to the city,” which you understand as enshrining two sets of rights: “the right to participate in how urban space is conceptualized, designed, and realized, and the right to reclaim space by occupation, practice, and accessibility.”9

            RK

            The Laziza Garden in Beirut can be understood within the framework of Henri Lefebvre’s “right to the city”, which emphasizes the principles of inclusive, participatory, and accessible urban spaces. It encompasses two fundamental rights:

            Firstly, the right to participate in urban development emphasizes the importance of citizen involvement in shaping urban spaces. In the context of the Laziza Garden, it demonstrates that citizens, even without formal legal approval, can actively shape their urban environment by creating public spaces that cater to their communities’ needs and aspirations. Secondly, the Laziza Garden, as an
            unofficial public garden on private property, serves as an example of citizens reclaiming a space that might otherwise remain inaccessible or underutilized. Such occupation challenges traditional notions of ownership and control over urban spaces, asserting the community’s right to utilize and benefit from these areas.

            Beirut’s scarcity of public spaces underscores the significance of citizen-led initiatives such as the Laziza Garden. In a city where officially designated public parks and gardens are limited, communities take it upon themselves to create and maintain public spaces that enhance urban life. These initiatives serve both as recreational areas and hubs for social interaction, cultural expression, and community cohesion. It is important to acknowledge that unofficial public spaces often exist in a legal gray area and may encounter challenges related to property rights, land use regulations, and long-term sustainability. Nevertheless, they represent the people’s right to have a say in their city’s development and their capacity to actively shape and utilize urban spaces, even in the absence of formal legal frameworks. The Laziza Garden, in this context, symbolizes grassroots urbanism and reflects the ingenuity of communities in the face of urban challenges. It also highlights the ongoing struggle for more equitable, inclusive, and accessible public spaces in Beirut.

            SI

            You observe that Martyr’s Square underwent a significant shift in public perception a decade after the civil war ended. It then became a site of mass demonstrations for the following 15 years, with the potential of creating a new public sphere. What was different about the October 2019 Uprising, or Thawra, compared to previous protests – particularly in how people advocated for public space in Beirut? What political movements have emerged in recent years as a result?

            RK

            The Thawra or “Revolution” marked a significant shift in the history of public demonstrations in Beirut. Several aspects set it apart from previous protests. The Thawra was notable for its grassroots and non-sectarian character. Unlike previous protests that often aligned with specific sectarian or political groups, the Thawra drew a diverse range of participants from various backgrounds, transcending traditional sectarian divisions. The October 2019 protests were not limited to specific policy demands; they called for fundamental systemic change. Protesters advocated for an end to political corruption, a complete overhaul of the political establishment, and the establishment of a civil, non-sectarian state.

            Social media and digital activism played a crucial role in mobilizing and organizing the Thawra. Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp were used to coordinate protests and disseminate information to a wide audience. Unlike previous, shorter-lived protests, the Thawra lasted several months. It demonstrated the determination of the protesters to maintain pressure on the government to respond to their demands. Creative forms of expression, including graffiti, music, and art, were prominently featured in the Thawra. They added a compelling dimension to the protests, reinforcing the message of change and hope.

            The Thawra also highlighted the importance of public space in Beirut. Martyr’s Square became a symbolic focal point for the protests. Unlike earlier protests, this marked the first time the people expressed grievances about public space in Beirut. They made claims that sites like the Egg and the Grand Theatre, which had fallen into decay during the war, belonged to them and not Solidere.10 Protestors began to occupy these spaces, repurposing them to voice their demands and using them to hold lectures and other events.

            As a result of the October 2019 Uprising and
            the subsequent years of political unrest and economic turmoil, several political movements and parties emerged, reflecting the desire for change and reform in Lebanon. These new political movements positioned themselves as alternatives to the traditional sectarian parties in Lebanese politics.

            The Hirak movement is a grassroots, nonpartisan, and non-violent movement that emerged in response to the economic crisis and government corruption. It seeks to mobilize civil society for political and social change. The “You Stink” movement initially started in response to the garbage crisis in Beirut but evolved to encompass broader issues of government accountability and transparency.

            Existing political parties, such as the Kataeb Party, also underwent changes, with some members advocating for reform from within established political structures. Also, various civil society organizations and NGOs have become more active in advocating for transparency, good governance, and human rights. These shifts reflect the ongoing struggle for political and social reform in Lebanon, with many citizens seeking an end to corruption, sectarianism, and economic hardship. While these movements have faced significant challenges and obstacles, they represent a sustained effort to transform Lebanon’s political landscape.

            SI

            Following the Beirut port explosion on August 4, 2020, the phrase “My government did this” appeared in Arabic and English on the concrete barriers of the highway near the port.11 This became a visual manifestation of public outrage and grief. You mention that when the explosion occurred, two things happened simultaneously: a new imagined community formed among the victims’ family members, and a new public space was forged in Beirut. Could you talk about the communities that formed after the explosion and their efforts to challenge the government’s obstruction of investigations into the blast?

            RK

            Everyone in Lebanon heard the explosion, no matter where they were. My sister had passed by the silos an hour before the blast. It is something that has joined people together in a shared experience of trauma.

            After the devastating explosion, several communities and civil society groups emerged to challenge the government’s attempts to obstruct investigations into the blast and demand transparency, justice, and accountability. The families of the victims––people who lost their loved ones in the explosion––formed a powerful and emotionally charged community. They organized protests that continue to this day, demanding justice for their lost family members. Their pleas for truth and justice resonated with many and brought attention to the government’s role in the tragedy. Grassroots activists and protesters played a significant role in mobilizing public opinion against the government. They organized large-scale protests and demonstrations, often focusing on the demand for accountability in the aftermath of the explosion. Various civil society organizations in Lebanon came together to demand transparency and accountability. They conducted investigations, compiled evidence, and pushed for the government to cooperate with international efforts to investigate the explosion.

            Legal experts and advocates worked to bring legal challenges to the government’s attempts to obstruct investigations. They pursued accountability for the explosion in both domestic and international courts. Independent journalists and media outlets, such as Megaphone News, played a crucial role in reporting on the explosion and its aftermath, often exposing government negligence and corruption. Their investigative reporting shed light on the situation and pressured the government to cooperate with investigations.

            International pressure bolstered the efforts of local communities in challenging the government’s obstruction of investigations. While these communities have made significant strides in challenging government obstruction, the road to achieving full accountability and transparency remains long and arduous, given deeply ingrained political and systemic issues in Lebanon. As long as impunity persists, victims’ families, human rights organizations, and even Lebanese parliamentarians are exploring new avenues to seek justice. These include civil litigation, such as a 2023 British Court ruling that held a London-based company, which supplied the explosive ammonium nitrate to Beirut’s port, liable for the blast victims. There are also repeated appeals for the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) to conduct an international fact-finding mission. Over 40 current Lebanese parliamentarians, along with more than 162 local and international human rights organizations, survivors, and victims’ families, are calling for an international investigation. The victims’ families have been instrumental in moving these efforts forward.

            The campaign to save the silos also created a community dedicated to raising awareness about the importance of protecting them from erasure by the ruling class. The campaign has made use of social media, architectural competitions, regular media, and podcasts to emphasize the need to protect the silos. It has stressed the importance of keeping them standing as a witness to the crime of the Beirut port explosion. The campaign coordinators include The Association of the Beirut Port Explosion Victims’ Families, The Families of the
            Martyrs of the Beirut Fire Brigade, The Families of the Port Explosion Victims and Martyrs, The August 4th Collective, The Association of the Residents of the Area Affected by the Beirut Blast, The Order of Engineers and Architects, Legal Agenda, LiveLoveLebanon, Public Works Studio, and Group of 25 Heritage Experts.

            SI

            Your project concludes that the latest battle over public space in Beirut involves the port’s silos and the blast site. Two visions have emerged: the political class wants to demolish the site, while others want to preserve it as a memorial. For some, the silos make visible the crimes of the ruling elite. For others, they remain a painful reminder of a traumatic event. Given their monumental size, how do you envision the silos, or what remains of them, serving as a memorial? You have referred to the Hiroshima Peace Memorial (Genbaku Dome) as an example, since it still stands in its original form and setting. What parallels have you observed with the Genbaku Dome that could inform our thinking about the Beirut port silos? How could they promote transparency in governance as a site of memory?

            RK

            My Instagram page, The Beirut Silos Memorial Park, explains my thoughts on turning the silos into a memorial. The account serves as a record and document. It is a space to honour those who died and suffered, as well as to advocate for the creation of a memorial using the silos structure.

            Drawing connections between the Hiroshima Peace Memorial (Genbaku Dome) and the Beirut port silos can provide useful insights into how the latter can be used to enhance transparency in government and function as a memorial site. The Hiroshima Genbaku Dome is a dramatic emblem of the atomic bomb’s devastation and the perseverance of the people of Hiroshima. Similarly, the Beirut port silos can serve as a devastating icon.

            They can help to preserve the memory of the explosion and its aftermath, reminding future generations of the importance of transparency and accountability in governance.

            The Hiroshima Peace Memorial is an educational and reflective space where visitors can learn about the bombing’s history and its consequences. The Beirut port silos can be converted into a similar venue where visitors could learn about the 2020 events and the conditions that made them possible. The Genbaku Dome draws tourists from all around the world, raising international awareness of the dangers of nuclear war. It promotes public participation and dialogue to advocate for peace and nuclear disarmament. The Beirut port silos, as a place of remembrance, can foster a global discourse on governance, accountability, and the prevention of such disasters, by drawing attention to these critical issues.

             

            My government Did This (Rena Karanouh) “My government Did This” is written on a concrete barrier that overlooks the ruined Beirut port and silos.
            1. Coward, M. (2009). Urbicide: The Politics of Urban Destruction. Oxon: Routledge.
            2. Karanouh, R. (2023). Last Out of Beirut Turn Off the Light: A Chronicle of Beirut through its Public Spaces [Unpublished doctoral dissertation]. Queen’s University.
            3. Solidere is a private shareholding conglomerate established in 1994. Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri’s government assigned it the task of redeveloping Beirut’s downtown area (Beirut Central District) after the Lebanese Civil War (1975 – 1990). Rafik al-Hariri was a major shareholder of Solidere at the time.
            4. Ibid. Karanouh, R. (2023).
            5. The Corniche is a seaside promenade in the Central District of Beirut over-looking the Mediterranean Sea.
            6. Beirut’s Dalieh is a prominent landmark on the main coastal promenade of the city and part of Beirut’s shoreline that includes the iconic Raouche (the Pigeon Rocks). The area has been used over the years for a range of activities by residents of Beirut, including jogging, swimming and fishing, as well as a site for festivals.
            7. Hundreds of thousands protested against austerity measures in October 2019 in the largest wave of mass demonstrations in Lebanon’s history. See Karam, J. G. & Majed, R. (Eds.). (2022). The Lebanon Uprising of 2019: Voices from the Revolution. (I.B. Tauris and Bloomsbury).
            8. The Laziza Garden is a community-led initiative to create a green space that memorializes the historic Laziza Brewery in the Geitawi neighbourhood in Beirut. The brewery was demolished in 2017 to make way for a luxury apartment complex. The project stalled, and the site became a garbage dump. In 2020, a group of volunteers, who eventually founded the environmental conservation organization GroBeirut, began to clean the area and transform it into an unofficial public garden with reusable materials. Built on private land and at risk of being uprooted or destroyed, most of the items in the garden can be easily removed.
            9. Ibid. Karanouh, R. (2023). p.154 / Lefebvre, H. (1996). Writing on Cities. London: Verso.
            10. The “Egg” is an unfinished modernist cinema that has become a landmark in Beirut. Its name is derived from its egg-like structure and dome. Construction of the cinema began in 1965 but was interrupted by the outbreak of the Lebanese civil war in 1975.
            11. On August 4, 2020, one of the largest non-nuclear explosions in history destroyed The Port of Beirut and damaged half of the city and its infrastructure. According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), over 200 people were killed, 7,000 wounded, and more than 300,000 displaced by the explosion. Investigators linked the blast to 2,750 tons of seized ammonium nitrate that had been stored in a port warehouse since 2014 following decades of government mismanagement and corruption. See https://www.hrw.org/report/2021/08/03/they-killed-us-inside/investigation-august-4-beirutblast

            Balading in the Dark: An Interview with Maissa Maatouk

            Hussein Nakhal Maissa Maatouk
            Hussein Nakhal

            After I saw your videos entitled Floating Lights I & II in the exhibition Foreshadows, I remembered a video that I had shared with you before coming to do this interview1. The video shows an interview with Hariri, the former prime minister of Lebanon, strolling through downtown Beirut, touring his grandchild, pointing at and naming monuments, and greeting people around the Lebanese parliament. A “balade” for a “balade”?

            Maissa Maatouk

            One thing we can do here is establish the difference between the two epochs. During the Hariri epoch, two temporalities coexisted. In scholar Fares Chalabi’s talk titled “Sectarian Image: Baghdadi ”2, he explains how, during the period of reconstruction, many artists were troubled by Hariri’s attempt to impose a temporality of peace while the war was being suppressed underground. As a result, artists began to explore the underground and capture the war that was not visible on the surface but weighed heavily beneath. Chalabi describes the images from that time as carrying a “virtual cut,” signifying a separation between the surface (peace) and the underground (war). Hariri presents only one fragment of Beirut. We never see him outside of Solidere, even though he drives from Koraytem to downtown. It’s as if he wanted to capture only the surface of peace, perhaps fearing the emergence of the underground. In the video, however, you can feel how the war creeps out: the last café he visited before his assassination, the conversation with the reporter mentioning political violence as if it belonged to the past, while in reality, it was a forewarning of his own future. With the collapse, Chalabi identifies the emergence of a new cut: the Global cut. This refers to the way the events of the collapse are felt everywhere. The electricity cuts are pervasive across Lebanon. After hearing Chalabi’s proposition, I started thinking about how to edit the footage of Beirut’s streets in darkness. Since the blackout was felt city-wide, I decided to gather different parts of Beirut into a single image in my video Floating Lights I. This is how my video negotiates a more nuanced image of Beirut than the one present in Hariri’s portrayal of downtown.

            Lastly, I titled this series of videos Floating Lights not only to evoke a certain sensation but also to highlight the aesthetic difference between the Beirut that existed before and after the collapse, as described by Chalabi. Regarding the form of “balade” in the videos, I would also say that it is an effect of the collapse, where action comes to a standstill.

            HN

            When you say actions halt, could you elaborate?

            MM

            In a city hit by collapse, actions become those of survival rather than directed toward a future goal. If you need medication, you go to the pharmacy, or to several, and you might not find it. This breaks the regular sensori-motor circuit. You begin performing actions that don’t unfold regularly in space-time. You rush to turn off the heater, and at the same time, you want to make sure the lamp isn’t on, or check the elevator to see if you’re using government power or the generator’s. You might stock food in your fridge with ice beside it to prevent spoilage. In the total collapse of infrastructures, actions deviate from their original intent. At one point, I thought of accepting this impossibility of acting on the situation. I figured that if I doubled my daily life with an image, I could at least navigate through it. I began inventing exercises around the idea of strolling, choosing specific moments to stroll and record. It gave me a reason to move through the city amid the collapse. The beginning of the collapse was extremely difficult, and I was conscious that I couldn’t fight the context. I filmed what I saw.

            HN

            In a city like Beirut, streetlights typically do more than just illuminate the streets; they enable a nightlife of various forms. Some gather at the corners near their buildings, to meet and chat, and these behaviors are shaped by the social and class fabric of different neighborhoods. However, life comes to a standstill in the absence of lights. During the second phase of the collapse, with the re-emergence of lights, these streetlights primarily functioned as facilitators of circulation—they provided visibility, but not necessarily the means for living or practicing life in its diverse forms. Occupying the night breathes life into spaces that might otherwise feel lifeless, as strolling through the city reanimates its presence. Darkness is very poignant in this work and street lights rather appear as bursts, carriers of all sorts of future political and social merits. While looking at the videos, I thought that traffic lights usually organize movement—or at least, they are the only kind of lights one needs to be preoccupied with to safely navigate a city at night. Driving at night becomes a question of understanding and following colors, or to speak in the language of light, a matter of temperature. (In the universe of light, color signifies temperature, ranging on a spectrum from cold to warm.) These partitions of light, with their varying spectrums, and with the absence of traffic lights in your videos filmed in the times of the total collapse of the country, those improvised light structures reminded me of those traffic lights. However, instead of being vertical and offering guidance to onlookers, their light is directed downward, providing only visibility to those who pass by. Can you tell us more about the darkness in those videos? I am also curious to know about your approach to capturing and editing this material.

            MM

            When the power cuts began to intensify, I started exploring ideas related to editing. For instance, I’d be somewhere when a power cut caused a blackout. In the dark, people would shift a little, change position. When the lights came back, what you saw was the difference—the edit that had taken place. I needed to record the darkness caused by electricity cuts, to somehow capture this experience. I took a taxi, and when you ride through Beirut at the beginning of the collapse, it’s literally dark—dark times.

            In the works, the darkness in the footage is
            literal rather than metaphorical in the sense that if you overexpose the image, buildings, guards, urban wildlife and details will reveal themselves to you. When overexposing the video, noise takes over the image, pixels explode but then you can start seeing elements within, even if pixelated or completely distorted. In this sense, darkness as an aesthetic and political manifestation, is not seen as a lack, but a perceptive modality—maybe even a generative plastic means, as in saying, if there is no light, I can still capture the darkness. This blackness allowed for a literal edit that felt continuous, blending together all the dark from the different streets. It became a way of creating continuity in a discontinuous sectarian space. As I was developing the series, and since strolling became a practice unfolding in time and following a particular pace and the collapse is a dynamic term that equally evolves. In 2023, as a continuation, I strolled again with the aim of re-evaluating these conditions of collapse through another video. I felt the conditions of collapse had shifted, some lights appeared—darkness was still there—but with this shift the specificity of the image that could be produced was equally changed. Despite the presence of lights, I felt a curious phenomenon: the city wasn’t illuminated through the emergence of those lights; rather, the lights appeared as the only luminous thing in a pitch-black city. In other terms, it seemed that those lights weren’t lighting anything except for themselves. NGOs and politicians were installing lights, each street was lit differently according to its socio-political context, with different types of bulbs and varying temperatures. Some were powered by generators while others used solar panel technology. Some had blue lights, others yellow, and white lights appeared in isolated sections. This sporadic approach to lighting the street was evident in the captured videos through the different colors. What kind of edit could occur based on and through these colors? Whereas the blackout, even if only for a phase, was a common element to all, and with the street lights emerging again, colors become singular; meaning they can be appropriated by a faction or political party. With their non-unified look and various color temperatures, those lights reflected the fragmented and non-cohesive nature of the city’s fabric. This emergence creates not only a light that illuminates nothing, but a light that shines on itself, plunging the city into more darkness. This called for a montage that connects the colors as “pure, floating optical singularities,” despite the fact that it indicates the intervention of an NGO or a political figure. The return of lights in different colors created this condition, or optical modality, and the video was a continuum that shifts from cold colors to warm colors. In doing this, I thought I could challenge the appropriation of meaning behind the singularity. In this sense, the video reclaims colors for what they are, colors as colors and not as indicators. Thus, the orange bulbs installed on Charles Malek avenue by Lebanese NGO Rebirth Beirut can connect to other orange bulbs installed by the residents in Ras el Nabeh for example. I’m not simply seeking a critical position regarding this new form of capitalism, but trying to look out for its manifestations.

            HN

            You mention in the description of the work that it is cartographic. In A Thousands Plateaus, Deleuze and Guattari state: “It is tracings that must be put on the map, not the opposite.”3 Can you elaborate on this idea of the cartographic by alluding to those notions? Did you produce tracings and what were you trying to establish on the map?

            MM

            The work not only aims to document the colors of the streets in 2023, but also attempts to convey the experience of the collapse, as it was lived. What I mean by that is, when I began filming, I tried to meticulously cover as many streets as possible. I started producing tracings. Strolling and filming, adopted as a process, revealed with each stroll a new tracing of the city’s map. Each video filmed was a trajectory, a new tracing over the map. I could have stopped there and shown those tracing, but instead I decided to make a video that uses the tracing but also calls for something beyond information or data. First, and as we discussed above, colors nullify the geographical distances: Charles Malek Avenue is far from Paris Avenue, but in the video, they appear in the same shot, due to the presence of the color orange (perhaps referring to an originary schizophrenic map?). Second, in the video, or cartography, the possibility to capture a sensation reveals itself as a floating or a kind of lunar atmosphere, which is what we experienced during the collapse. What I was hoping for is to have gone beyond the map by proposing both a documentation of these colors as pure colors and also composing a video that uses the very material of the collapse, hence transfigure it and make it more bearable.

            1. Originally published as part of the public program of the 2023 exhibition Foreshadows under the title Noise- a digital zine, this text’s intended release was delayed due to the intensification of the rapacious, still on-going, Israeli war on Lebanon. Le Merle thanks Maissa Maatouk and Hussein Nakhal for graciously granting permission to publish it here.
            2. Chalabi, F. (2020, September 28). Sectarian image: Baghdadi [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O9gF3w8QhU0
            3. Deleuze, G., & Guattari, F. (1987). A thousand plateaus: Capitalism and schizophrenia (B. Massumi, Trans.). University of Minnesota Press. (Original work published 1980) p.21.

            Studies on Movement

            Ghida Hachicho

            Studies on Movement (2017-2020) looked to rethink the process of “construction” behind establishing fixed points at sea, starting from the dispute surrounding the Lebanese maritime boundary space. Maritime space here is marked as a differentiated set of points that can be plotted and controlled, a process of rationalization and abstraction that locates points on maps. Within that system, movement is no longer there, replaced by fixed relations in a simultaneous physical and abstract space. The project is a study in different parts of possible conversations around different notions surrounding such “constructions”. Taking the body as a point of departure, where this process of abstraction initially starts, to build alternative choreographic narratives: different bodies move towards an attempted stillness1.

             

             

             

             

            Standing behind a camera and a long zoom lens
            I zoom in to the furthest point
            The end point of what I can see

             

             

             

             

            The only fear I have is to confuse
            the act of seeing with what is being seen

             

             

             

             

            I know that the horizon does not exist
            A sight that never seems to fit that knowledge

             

             

             

             

            6 meters above sea level,
            the horizon is 8.7 kilometres away

            If I stand on my toes,
            I gain a distance of 30 meters ahead

             

             

             

             

            On a beach of a 1 percent slope,
            3 cm error in vertical datum is 3 m of lost distance

            19 years of tidal data is required for an accurate
            establishing of a base point at any given location

            For an observer on the ground with eye level at 1.70 m,
            the horizon is at a distance of 4.7 km (2.5 nm)

            For an observer standing on a hill or tower of 38.7 m height,
            the horizon is at a distance of 22.2 km (12 nm) equal
            to the breadth of the territorial sea

            The imaginary line disappears from its fixed location
            to resurface again somewhere else

             

             

             

             

             

             

             

             

            A projected point can achieve stability when
            the observer’s body does not move between horizontal levels

            Within these laws, a point achieves stability
            and should not move with the geography

             

             

             

             

            In 2000, Israel installed a line of buoys
            in the area of Ras Naqoura coinciding with the line
            leading to point 23

             

             

             

             

            In 2011, Israel removed the buoys floating along
            this delineation, the same buoys were floating
            further south prior to this date

            Zooming in on a Buoy, found footage on youtube
            of Nikon P900 zoom tests

             

             

             

             

            The Lebanese government has different options to set the limits of its southern maritime border

            Israel’s claim using a Lebanese
            miscalculation in 2007

            If Tekhelet was considered an island

            Marked by the Lebanese government

            Taking partial consideration of Tekhelet,
            considering it something between
            a rock and an island

            If Tekhelet was considered a rock

             

             

            Base point

             

             

             

            When does a rock become an island?
            A land mass is considered:

            A rock if its is permanently above water
            but unable to sustain human habitation
            or economic life on its own

            An island if it is permanently above water
            and can sustain human habitation
            or economic life on its own

            A Low-tide elevation
            if it is above water only at low tide

             

            (United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea)

             

             

             

             

             

             

            S

            At sea, you would say: we are going to dive at this point or that

            G

            What point would that be?

            S

            Points that can’t be separated from each other
            To mark a point at sea, I look towards the southeast and locate a point at shore and another point further towards the mountain to meet in one line
            From the same place, I look towards the north-east and take two other points.
            When the four points meet it means I am in the same location again

            G

            Does this require some kind of experience or training?

            S

            Sharp vision and memory, when we look towards the land, we should already know the different landmarks
            For example, for a site I have located, a mosque minaret on the shore meets the statue of the lady in Maghdoucheh.
            From the other side, from the north, the Jammal building in Saida meets another building at Mar Elias hill.
            When the four points meet, I know this is the location for Harf el Rejme

            G

            If the landmarks change at land, you lose your point at sea
            If my body changes position while I turn my head from left to right, the location is no longer a point

            S

            You try to be still
            It’s very important that we are still and do not
            move.
            I stand opposite the current, move one leg slowly
            without force, my knees bent. It depends on how
            strong the current is. If the current is stronger,
            I move both legs

            from a conversation with a diver

             

             

            Movement of a point of a deep water wave

            1. This section presents elements from the installation “Studies on Movement” presented between 2017-2020, a project melding video, sculpture and drawings by artist Ghida Hachicho.

            Birds, Landfills, Symbols and Camouflage: Solution-like things for the bird problem at Beirut’s airport

            Sammy Kayed

            Flying in and out of Lebanon comes with its risks, and not just the usual suspects. There’s a real threat of bird strikes near Beirut’s airport. A risk that can cause catastrophic engine failures. I mean it has yet to happen, and it pales in comparison to the other risks you may face living here, but there is a risk and I do think about it a lot. Probably because I take the airport road, and see the birds at least twice a week on trips to my mom’s village. Bird interference is a global problem but at Beirut’s airport the chances for it are above average.1 The nation’s coastline is essentially one continuous city, with almost nothing to offer the birds. But then there is the Costa Brava Solid Waste Landfill, a feeding ground for resident birds and migratory species moving along the world’s second-busiest flyway.2 Lebanon is that tiny choke point in the middle of the migration hour-glass that connects the birds of Euro-Asia to the African continent.

            The landfill sits one road away from Lebanon’s only commercial airport—99.2% closer than the most basic safety standards allow.3 Seven months after the landfill opened, the former transportation minister came out to thank God for giving us only near-misses.4 I don’t know who deserves the credit, but my cousin told me that he and other Middle East Airline (MEA) pilots have techniques to dodge birds when flying in and out of Beirut.

             

             

            Why is this landfill so close to the airport?

             

            We don’t know why it was placed there for sure, but it might have to do with logistical convenience or the marginalization of Ouzai, the nearby residential area. Already being systematically excluded from politics, they were unlikely to cause any trouble. The landfill rapidly emerged and opened its gates in April 2016 as a partial solution to Lebanon’s 2015 trash crisis.5

             

            Recent facebook post on the Costa Brava Beach Resort page.

             

            It took its name from a neighboring private beach resort owned by an entrepreneurial man who took the name from a world famous picturesque coastline in Spain’s autonomous region of Catalonia. It was a slim disguise considering this stretch of Lebanese coast has long been a pollution hotspot.6 But the name worked well and the Costa Brava Beach Resort remained a popular escape among beachgoers until 2016. That’s when political authorities scandalously appropriated the owner’s vision of naming things what they are absolutely not. They pushed the name beyond its capacity and widespread media coverage turned it into a household term plainly synonymous with trash. The tarnishing of the brand is kind of tragic. And if the owner decided to tell his story using the name he coined, it wouldn’t catch on—since the bitter irony of false escape has already been claimed by the award-winning film Costa Brava.

             

             

            Lost opportunities

             

            In February 2018 a good friend introduced me to Samir, the owner, so we can use his beach resort to sneak access to the landfill’s coastline, sample the seawater, and study the area’s current levels of pollution. He stood facing the landfill the entire time we were sampling, muttering things under his breath. When we finished, Samir insisted we see the wedding venue he built in 2016. He told us that barely anyone comes since the landfill opened. He also asked me to like his Facebook page, which let me know he isn’t giving up the pursuit for business.

            The landfill operates under a Public Private Partnership (PPP) with City Blue. PPPs are long term agreements between the government and a private partner. They run public services like shameless monopolies. They control services such as electricity, telecommunications, water supply, wastewater treatment, healthcare, transportation, education, solid waste management, and nearly everything else. Lebanon’s power brokers are usually in a theater of disagreement. But PPPs bring them together. They’re key to understanding how the state regularly flips failed public services into business opportunities.7 After the service fails, the state pretends to be more bankrupt than it is, and PPPs are positioned as the obvious solution. For the landfill, the state skipped over a standard environmental and social impact assessment as part of the 40-year anniversary for their favorite cover story: ‘It’s an emergency.’ And they gave themselves anniversary presents; the first being payouts for each ton of waste that enters Costa Brava ($154 per ton which is 900% more than neighboring countries),8 and the second being the possibility of using waste and rubble from war to make new high-value property where there was once a sea. The lucrative process of land reclamation has already been carried out a few times. BIEL, or ‘Beirut Waterfront,’ was once a dump for trash and the remnants of civil war. It’s now prime real estate for top clubs, gyms, and restaurants.9 Costa Brava opened as a temporary landfill until “a better solution is found,” but that never came.10 Nine years later, Costa Brava continues progressing towards its land reclamation goal now with quiet dumping of postwar rubble from the recently destroyed buildings in Beirut’s Dahiyeh district. As the face of the PPP profiting off the landfill, City Blue dumps between 200 to 1,000 tons of municipal waste at the landfill daily. If you remove the items birds don’t intentionally eat, there’s enough food everyday for at least 1.6 million medium-sized birds. If we take a slow dumping day and assume only 5% of the edibles are accessible, there’s still enough food for 65,000 birds.

            Airport officials tried their best to hide the threat at first. But there was a significant near miss and an information leak. Once news outlets picked up on it, public authorities vowed to work quickly with MEA to come up with a plan. In January 2017, the decision was made to pay 125 people, give them ammunition, and let them enter the Costa Brava Landfill where, over three days, they killed around 10,000 birds. There’s about a million birds in the Greater Beirut Area at any given time so they may have solved the problem for two or three days. The state sponsored bird massacre sparked some controversy and back-lash from activists. But as far as we can tell, authorities are not relying on any proven methods for deterring birds from the area such as reducing the number of perching sites, installing devices that emit distressed bird calls, predator bird calls, ultrasonic noises, undesirable scents, or safe chemical repellents; placing predator decoys, light reflectors, netting, or laser systems around the landfill; 11 using pyrotechnics like automated acoustic explosives or propane cannons; systematically and rapidly covering all exposed and arriving waste with soil; or moving the supposedly temporary landfill somewhere else where it doesn’t violate international safety standards.12 Instead, every so often, the chairman of MEA threatens to bring the bird hunters back to shoot it up in an amazing and symbolic display of what the actual hell are we doing.

             


            Reclaimed land from the Costa Brava landfill between 2016 and 2024

             

             

            Doubling down

             

            As you may be gathering, solutions in this situation, as with many others in the country, only stand a chance of being implemented if they are extraordinary. If they take evidence or proven methods too seriously, their chances of being brought forward shrink. For some, the spectacle of the state allowing men to hunt possibly endangered migratory birds at a chokepoint in the world’s second busiest migratory flyway in green camouflage that blatantly stands out against a landfill of vibrantly colored plastic makes for surreal confusion. For others, it passes as a straightforward solution. I’ve been in academia, trying to imagine and carry out alternatives to Lebanon’s social and environmental problems for about 10 years now. I’ve learned the hard way that if you intend to do something about our perpetual state of emergency, you must avoid the underlying drivers and remain within the performance of solution-like things. You gotta cleverly keep the lucrative emergency alive if your thing is going to have a chance at passing through the political establishment.

            Below, I’ll distance myself from scholarly activism and reinterpret the evidence to give a straightforward roadmap on dealing with the Costa Brava bird problem. I know we have much bigger problems to performatively solve in Lebanon, but this one is for the diaspora that love visiting as much as possible, and for the privileged residents who have the ability to regularly travel in and out. I imagine things in solidarity with both, moving from my upbringing abroad to life as a privileged resident.

             

             

            Solution-like things for the future

             

            The first step is to strip those bird magnets off the wings and fuselages of MEA. You can’t have trees sticking out in a grey backdrop and expect birds to not fly toward them. Despite everything Lebanese birds have gone through, they still love trees. And when a bunch of MEA planes are parked next to one another, the birds probably see them as a small forest. Many of these animals are tired after traveling thousands of miles and overcoming untold struggles across many lands. And if they reside in Lebanon’s cities, they’re  always tired with practically no trees along the perpetually urban coast. When the birds see that flat, elongated version of the iconic cedar tree—chosen by MEA’s graphic designers and painted in massive scale across the tail wing with hundreds of green perch points not found anywhere else in the area—they’re naturally going to flock toward it.

            At a height of 11.8 meters, the cedars on MEA’s tail wings fall squarely within the average range of adult cedars, which stand at 10–18 meters tall. Painted in a beautiful shade of green, the birds have many reasons to think these are real trees. We must immediatly remove all the trees from MEA’s planes and replace them with something birds will avoid, like scarecrows or, better yet, predators. I know MEA put a lot of money into painting their planes but you can’t put a price on people’s lives. Also, taking the trees off the planes today will be a strategic business move for tomorrow. By shifting the branding away from the cedar tree, MEA can save themselves from an awkward future where their brand has cedars but the country does not, given their imminent decline amid climate change and habitat loss.

            MEA might consider the flaming Phoenix: another national symbol that also happens to look like a predator who can deter birds. It remains safely mythical, so the marketing team doesn’t have to worry about it going extinct in the wild. They say the Phoenix can live in fire and rises from the ashes of its predecessors. In doing so, it captures the essence of the PPPs that shaped the Lebanon we know today. After burning the people they are meant to serve, PPPs self-immolate, then re-emerge as a newly branded mythical hero promising to save us from past evils—as though they weren’t the ones that created them in the first place. Unlike the vulnerable cedar, the Phoenix is timelessly Lebanese and would make for a great centerpiece in MEAs branding. They may not be able to fight fire with fire—using PPPs to fix failed PPPs—but I think they can fight birds with firebirds.

            So, step one: replace the fragile cedar trees on MEA’s tail wings with a symbol that better represents us and our resistance to self-destruction. If that doesn’t keep the birds away from the planes, then sure, Mr. Chairman—bring those hunters back. But let’s work together to maximize the chances of making each shot count.

            The hunters need to rethink their camouflage. I get this is probably the first time they try to shoot birds in a field of plastic trash. I don’t blame them for coming to the landfill wearing the typical greens and browns found in hunting camouflage. Anyone might make that mistake. But it’s funny because that’s what’s making them stick out among the blues, whites, and punchy colors of the plastic they’re standing on.

            Birds have 3-10 times better vision than humans. I bet they saw the hunters from miles away. If we’re bringing them back, hunters need to follow a dress code that camouflages them in Costa Brava. For the guys that like to prepare their outfit ahead of time, I’ll technically break down the plastic foliage in Costa Brava. Polypropylene (PP) is the main thing you’re gonna find down there at 22.1% followed by low density polyethylene (LDPE) at 20.8%, and high density polyethylene (HDPE) at 16.9%.13 Where the landfill meets the coast, you’re going to find the majority of individual plastic items are cigarette butts at 39% followed by plastic caps and lids at 13%; cutlery and plates at 9%; crisp packets, chocolate wrappers, and lolly sticks at 8%; and bags at 2%.14

             

            Lebanese Middle East Airlines (MEA) planes are pictured at the tarmac of Beirut international airport, Lebanon February 16, 2020. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir

             

            For the hunters who just want to get down there and into the action: I suggest throwing on old clothes, smearing them with glue, and just pressing handfuls of trash straight onto the body. Professionals call this “local concealment” or “brushing in.” What’s useful about this
            solution is that the Lebanese hunter tends to smoke cigarettes and snack while waiting for birds to come. Now, they can just stick the smoked cigarettes, crisp packets, or whatever trash they produce anywhere on themselves to improve camouflage. The more trash they produce while hunting the more they can blend in. I suspect if all hunters are outfitted in trash, they’re not only gonna have a lot more fun shooting down more birds, MEA is going to save a lot of money on bullets next time around. Mastering this new method of camouflage can be considered a form of adaptation that works across landscapes. Given the dramatic rise of plastic consumption and open trash dumping in Lebanon, the material now indiscriminately reaches a wide range of conventional hunting grounds. With more waste dumps than municipalities (i.e., 1,065), it’s hard to know for certain what types of plastic are in each. Therefore, I suggest hunters master the second technique of outfitting with trash when they get to whatever spot they’re hunting that day. Also, if the hunters are coming back, for the love of God don’t pay them. For all we know the hunters who were contracted in 2017 may have been half-cocked wannabees chasing a paycheck, themselves among the 33% of the country living in poverty.15 The best hunters do this for sport, not for money. What needs to happen next time is a wide-reaching advertisement inviting Lebanon’s hunters down to a free for all at Costa Brava. MEA can hire a few bouncers at the entrance to check that everyone is within dress code. Per capita, Lebanon has the second highest wild bird killing rates in the region.16

            That’s because pretty much every male has gone hunting. A good advertisement will attract hundreds if not thousands of professionals with the sportsmanship to wear the trash and forget the cash.

            This is a repeatable model that’s deployable at a fraction of the costs incurred by MEA in 2017. If they do this every season for long enough, evolutionary forces will cause the birds to stop migrating over Lebanon altogether. At that point, we can consider permanently putting the landfill inside the airport, just west of runway 2, where there’s a lot of vacant land.

            While we continue incentivizing the birds to reroute, another parallel action could be taken. MEA Airlines can launch a Costa Brava NGO in partnership with City Blue to support the area’s small and medium enterprises, i.e. beach resorts. The NGO would generate revenue by charging hunters to enter the landfill, as if it were a shooting range. All proceeds would be directed at the area’s struggling beach resorts. But the majority share would go to Samir, as compensation for all the trademark violations. It’s important that such funding remains conditional. It may only be used to throw epic firework shows for couples who choose to have their wedding at a local beach resort. Birds hate loud bangs and flashy lights whereas people love them. Samir had a dream, and only MEA has the power to bring it back. Through better symbolism, camouflage, and the Costa Brava NGO, things can happen. And sometimes, we can give airline passengers a glittery little celebration when they make it in and out of Lebanon.

             

             

             

             

            1. https://stateofmind13.com/2017/01/11/beiruts-airport-is-not-safe-for-air-travel-anymore-a-disaster-could-happen-at-any-moment/
            2. https://flightforsurvival.org/countries/lebanon/
            3. https://www.faa.gov/documentlibrary/media/advisory_circular/150-5200-34a/150_5200_34a.pdf
            4. https://www.latimes.com/world/middleeast/la-fg-lebanon-airport-birds-2017-story.html
            5. https://civilsociety-centre.org/party/social-movement-responding-lebanese-garbage-crisis
            6. https://www.cnrs.edu.lb/Library/
            7. https://jacobin.com/2020/08/beirut-lebanon-disaster-capitaism-neoliberalism
            8. https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/06/09/lebanon-huge-cost-inaction-trash-crisis
            9. https://timourazhari.wordpress.com/2017/07/19/the-lucrative-history-of-lebanese-land-reclamation/
            10. https://ejatlas.org/conflict/costa-brava-landfill-lebanon
            11. https://birdcontrolgroup.com/
            12. https://www.iswa.org/blog/download-the-3rd-landfill-operations-guidelines/?v=3e8d115eb4b3
            13. Kayed & al. (2022) Single Use Plastics in Lebanon. Online: https://www.wes-med.eu/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/N-E-LB-2b-2022.12-MedWaves-Report.pdf
            14. https://wedocs.unep.org/rest/bitstreams/9739/retrieve
            15. https://www.undp.org/sites/g/files/zskgke326/files/2025-07/report_socioeconomic-impacts-lebanon-2024-war-english.pdf
            16. P. Issa, 2018, Associated Press, New Hunting Law Falls Prey to Old Habits in Lebanon. Online: https://apnews.com/article/6e4207d3fa7a4003a5c62e644bdb8ad5

            Gaza as We Have Never Seen It Before, November 2023  —
            And Yet I Recall Having Written on Some of these Matters Before

            Jalal Toufic

            While some of what was thought impossible, for example, interaction-free measurement, turned out, thanks to quantum mechanics, not to be so, what one thought possible, human life, is really impossible: “Human life is impossible.1 But it is only affliction which makes us feel this” (Simone Weil, Gravity & Grace). The “contemporary” Lebanese, who underwent a protracted civil war and two Israeli invasions in the latter part of the Twentieth Century, should be aware of this better than many other peoples. Unfortunately, with rare exceptions, even though the vast majority of the Lebanese discovered in affliction that life is impossible, they then limited this impossibility cheaply, “realistically,” to the period of affliction, considering human life impossible during affliction, rather than coming to the realization that affliction does not make human life impossible but merely reveals that it is impossible, always—do many people make other people’s lives a living hell the better to hide from themselves and others that human life as such is impossible?2

             

             

             

            First Aid, Second Growth, Third Degree, Fourth World, Fifth Amendment, Sixth Sense

             

            During the Israeli army’s 1982 siege of West Beirut, the Palestinians faced a double bind: the siege and their desertion by the rest of the world—orchestrated by Israel’s main ally, the USA, a UN Security Council permanent, thus veto-wielding, member—may have changed their enclave into a radical closure, yet they were being violently pressured to leave that enclosure. The Palestinian combatants’ delay in coming to a decision may not have been caused only by the reluctance to decamp from what had become to many of them a surrogate homeland and to relinquish the elaborate political and administrative apparatus they had established in Lebanon; and by their mistrust of the guarantees they were being offered for the safety of the hundreds of thousands of Palestinian civilians who would be left behind—a mistrust that proved justified by the subsequent massacres in the Sabra and Shatila Palestinian refugee camps. A feeling of radical closure might have contributed to the delay in deciding to leave: “Where should we go after the last frontier? Where should the birds fly after the last sky?” (Mahmoud Darwish, “The Earth Is Closing on Us,” Ward Aqal, 1986). Ghosts may appear in a quarantined region, not to complete an unfinished business but to intimate to the quarantined living people that the dead are not party to their desertion by the rest of the world. These posthumous entities may appear in time, before the quarantine turns into a radical closure, where apparitions are experienced as impostors not because of the doubling that is a characteristic of the death realm from which they apparently issue, but because they are ahistorical, unworldly entities that irrupted fully formed in such a closure. They may appear there although the quarantined living people were, and possibly continue to be, despite the quasi-spontaneous Buddhist-like meditations on their bodies hallucinated as chopped, buried under rubble, or burned to ashes, themselves party to the modern world’s desertion and exclusion of the dead.3 The dead appear there also to maintain the possibility of their continuing remembrance by the living, since were the quarantine to turn into a radical closure, those in it would become disconnected from history. Despite the fact that I had not been in Beirut for the previous four years, the curator Jayce Salloum placed me as residing in Los Angeles and Beirut in his catalogue for the exhibition “East of Here…. (Re) Imagining the ‘Orient,’” which took place at YYZ Artists’ Outlet, Toronto, in November–December 1996. His reason for doing this was probably to stress the connection of the included artists to the Middle East. I think such a description of my geographical coordinates was then and continues to be quite accurate only from the perspective of radical closure. Haven’t I written: “He left (did he leave?) Beirut—a city where ‘nothing [is] left, not even leaving’—to New York in 1984”? Even if I never go back to Beirut, my coordinates are conjointly the city in which I happen to reside and Beirut.4

            Have the desertion of West Beirut by the Arabs and the rest of the world during the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon, and the continuing sanctions against Iraq, now [1996] in their sixth year, divested these two communities from the rest of the Arab world, undoing any notion of an Arab community? If so, is it accurate on my part to have written in Over-Sensitivity that the conjunction of catastrophes affecting the Arab world in Iraq, Sudan, Lebanon, and earlier Palestine added up to a surpassing disaster? Is the tradition for such communities no longer the one that used to be theirs, but the other communities of the surpassing disaster: Gnostics, Nizārīs, Qarmaṭīs, Sabbatians? Unfortunately, these communities, which have tried to deal with the withdrawal consequent of a surpassing disaster, have been subjected to another kind of unavailability, a material one enforced by their orthodox enemies: most of the works of the Nizārīs, Qarmaṭīs, and of the Sabbatians have been burned or destroyed (the Mongols’ destruction of the library of Alamῡt, etc.).5

             

             

             

            Postwar Lebanese Photography: Between the Withdrawal of Tradition and the Irruption of Unworldly Entities

             

            The title of a May 2001 workshop organized by Lebanese video makers Mahmoud Hojeij and Akram Zaatari, for which they invited seven persons from four Middle Eastern countries and from various fields (cinema, video, graphic design, etc.) to come to Lebanon, join two Lebanese, and make, along with these latter, each a one-minute video by the end of the workshop, was Transit Visa. Can one have a transit visa to a radical closure? Doesn’t the very notion of having a transit visa to Lebanon imply that, notwithstanding the siege of West Beirut by Israel during the latter’s invasion of Lebanon in 1982, it is not a radical closure?6

            In addition to so much Lebanese photography that remained at the level of artistic documentation, for instance the work of Samer Mohdad (Les Enfants de la Guerre: Liban 1985-1992 [Musée de l’Elysée; Agence Vu, 1993]; and Mes Arabies [Éditions Dār an-Nahār, 1999]) and Fouad Elkoury, who were treating and continued to treat the civil war and war as a disaster and the closure that affected Lebanon as relative albeit extreme, we encounter two kinds of works that are symptomatic and emblematic of a Lebanon that was during part of the war years a radical closure7 and / or a surpassing disaster.8

             

             

            Where is the rest of the world? What is the world doing? How is the world allowing such atrocities not only to happen but also to go on being perpetuated for months and years?9

            The incredible desertion of the world is the leitmotiv of the indignant exclamations one hears in zones under siege: the Palestinians and the Lebanese in West Beirut during the Israeli siege of that city in 1982; the Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip since the start of their closures then sieges by the Israelis; the inhabitants of Sarajevo during its siege by Bosnian Serbs; the Tutsi minority during the Rwandan genocide of 1994; the Iraqis since the start in 1990 of the ongoing sanctions. Is it strange that some feel or make artworks that imply that these places became radical closures? Can we detect in such places one of the consequences of radical closures: the irruption of unworldly, fully formed ahistorical entities? As usual, it is most appropriate to look for that in artworks. The “document” attributed by Walid Raad to Kahlil Gibran and projected as a slide for the duration of Raad’s talk “Miraculous Beginnings” at Sursock Museum in Beirut;10 and the eight small black-and-white photographs of group portraits of men and women that were published in Raad’s photo-essay “Miraculous Beginnings,” and that—the reader is told—are part of twenty-nine large photographic prints and fifty-two documents (handwritten notebook entries, letters, typed memoranda and minutes) unearthed in 1991 during the demolition of Beirut’s civil war-devastated Central District, processed by laboratories in France and the USA,11 and handed to the Arab Research Institute,12 can be legitimately viewed as unworldly ahistorical entities that irrupted in the radical closure that Beirut may have become at one point.1314

            We live in a block universe of spacetime, where nothing physically passes and vanishes, but where occasionally things withdraw due to surpassing disasters. Palestinians, Kurds, and Bosnians have to deal with not only the concerted erasure by their enemies of much of their tradition: the erasure by the Israelis of hundreds of Palestinian villages in 1948 and their renaming with Jewish names,15 and the erasure of hundreds of Kurdish villages during the Anfāl operation in Iraq, etc.; but also the additional, more insidious withdrawal of what survived the physical destruction. The exhibition Wonder Beirut by Joana Hadjithomas and Khalil Joreige (Janine Rubeiz Gallery, Beirut, July 1998) revolves around a photographer who, along with his father, was commissioned by the Lebanese State in 1969 to do postcards, and who four years into the civil war and while shutting himself off in his studio takes down all these postcards, “which no longer referred to anything” since what they showed—Martyrs’ Square, the souks, policemen on camels, etc.—either was destroyed or no longer existed, and “burns them patiently, aiming at them his proper bombs and his own shells… thus making them conform better to his reality. When all was burned, it was peace.”16 Thus the following model sequence: photographs of burned buildings and scorched walls taken by him from the window of his studio a couple of years into the conflict; then, four years into the war, burned photographs that are later exhibited (this indicating that the war was then not yet a surpassing disaster, but just a localizable catastrophe); then, in 1999, undeveloped photographs, a symptom of the withdrawal past the surpassing disaster that Beirut must have become: “Today, this photographer no longer develops his photographs. It is enough for him to take them. At the end of the exhibition [Wonder Beirut]17, 6452 rolls of film were laid on the floor: rolls containing photos taken by the photographer but left undeveloped” (from Hadjithomas and Joreige’s text “Ṭayyib raḥḥ farjīk shighlī” [“OK, I’ll Show You My Work”], Al-Ādāb [January – February 2001]). Hadjithomas and Joreige are currently preparing a show titled Latent Images in which they will frame and mount on the gallery’s walls textual descriptions of photographs taken but left unprocessed. Here are six examples from film roll no. PE 136 GPH 160:

             

            • Master shot of the dead end from the window of
              the room. It is raining.

             

            • Close shot of the seepage under the living room’s
              windows.

             

            • The water enters into the kitchen.

             

            • Close shot of the floorcloth in front of the living
              room’s windows.

             

            • The rain on the room’s pane, with the camera
              focus being on the drops.

             

            • Close shot of the spots of humidity on the walland the ceiling.

             

             

            While their work in Wonder Beirut and their forthcoming Latent Images bring to my mind two parts of Hollis Frampton’s Hapax Legomena, Nostalgia (1971) and Poetic Justice (1972), in the first of which Frampton placed one at a time photographs on a hotplate, the latter’s coil shortly tracing its shape on the photograph before the latter’s full burning; and in the second of which he placed on a table, in between a small cactus and a cup of coffee, a stack of papers with descriptions of two hundred and forty different shots, which descriptions we read one at a time for the span of the film (for instance, “#4. [close-up] A small table below a window. A potted cactus, a coffee cup”), I am aware that the burning of the photographs in Wonder Beirut not only has to do with matters relating to the medium as such, as in Frampton’s Nostalgia (Hadjithomas and Joreige: “We wanted to return to an ontological definition of these images: the inscription of light by burning” [Al-Ādāb (January–February 2001): 37]), but is also a reaction to the incendiary wars that were going on in Lebanon; and that the substitution of textual descriptions for the photographs is related not only to the problematic relation of words to images in audio-visual works, but also to the withdrawal of many images past a surpassing disaster. I had not expected the intermediary step of Latent Images between exhibiting rolls of undeveloped films in Wonder Beirut and a possible future exhibition of developed photographs. This intermediary step can be considered a contribution to the resurrection of what withdrew following the surpassing disaster. The intended effect of the work of the one trying to resurrect tradition past a surpassing disaster is fundamentally not on the audience, except indirectly; it is on the work of art—to resurrect it. Such resurrecting works are thus referential. It is interesting to see when—if at all— Hadjithomas and Joreige will feel the impulse to develop those photographs, this signaling the resurrection of tradition.

            Felicitous photographs of Lebanon many years into the war and then many years following it: photographs taken by nobody—unworldly entities that irrupted in a radical closure—but developed (Miraculous Beginnings); and photographs taken by someone but left undeveloped because of the withdrawal due to the surpassing disaster that was Beirut (Wonder Beirut, 1999).

            It is one thing for an academic scholar like the Palestinian Walid Khalidi to do archival work (he is the editor of Kay lāānansá: qurá Filasṭīn al-latī dammarathāā Isrā’īl sanat 1948 wa-asmā’ shuhadā’ihāā [All That Remains: The Palestinian Villages Occupied and Depopulated by Israel in 1948]); it is, or at least it should be, another matter were Walid Raad and Joana Hadjithomas and Khalil Joreige to do so. Walid Raad is already a member of the Arab Image Foundation (AIF), and Joana Hadjithomas and Khalil Joreige would, in my opinion, be fine candidates for membership in the same foundation, which was established in Lebanon in 1996, and whose aim is “to promote photography in the Middle East and North Africa by locating, collecting, and preserving the region’s photographic heritage.… Material in the collections will date from the early nineteenth century to the present.” Raad is also implicated through his artistic practice in both the Arab Research Institute’s archival collection Miraculous Beginnings: The Complete Archive, which as of 1994 comprised, we are told, forty-six hundred documents; and the Atlas Group’s growing collection. While for now the artistic practices and issues at stake in these latter two archives have not affected or interfered with the collection of the AIF, it is quite conceivable that they will, through Raad, do so, problematizing the historical authenticity of its photographs, with the probable consequence that we will learn about new Muḥammad ‘Abdallah, Camille el Kareh, or Alban photographs. I envision, as a first stage, the archival collections of both the Arab Research Institute and the Atlas Group ending up equaling the collection of the AIF, presently around 30,000 photographs; then the AIF archive becoming just an appendage of Raad’s (largely virtual) archive, the latter occasionally referring to the former as holding a small number of photographs that it does not have : “For an additional 23 photographs of the work of Camille el Kareh, as well as for an additional 20 photographs by Muḥammad ‘Abdallāh, we refer you to the Arab Image Foundation’s collection.” What would happen to the AIF’s “long-term goal of… the creation of a center in Beirut for the preservation and exhibition of its photographic collections” were Joana Hadjithomas and Khalil Joreige to end up becoming members of the foundation? How would the AIF’s goal of preservation be affected by the presence of two artists who have burnt some of their photographs then exhibited them? How would the Foundation’s goal of exhibition be affected by the presence of two artists who have included in one of their exhibitions myriad rolls of unprocessed photographs, therefore of unexhibited photographs? How would the Foundation’s goal of archiving and therefore also dating be affected by the presence of two artists who assigned two different dates to what seems to be the same postcard of pre-civil-war Beirut’s Central District, and wrote through the mouth of their fictional interviewer, the twentieth-century Pierre Menard of Borges’s “Pierre Menard, Author of Don Quixote”: “I have here two images, one taken by the photographer in 1969, the other a 1998 photograph of this same preexisting postcard.… By simply photographing these images you invent a new path, that of the deliberate anachronism and the erroneous attribution”?

             

            The “You have seen nothing in Hiroshima” said by the Japanese man to the visiting French woman in Alain Resnais’s (and Marguerite Duras’s) Hiroshima Mon Amour, 1959, could at one level mean: You, a French woman, removed from the direct experience of either the atomic explosion or its radioactive aftereffects should not have the presumption to consider that you have seen anything in Hiroshima. At yet another level, it includes her in the community, since she is experiencing the withdrawal due to the surpassing disaster. If she reacts negatively to the Japanese man’s words, insisting that she has seen certain things, it must be because, being an ethical person, she is not sure she is yet of that community.18 Those Americans who managed to pressure the Smithsonian to an out-and-out scaling back of the exhibit “The Last Act: The Atomic Bomb and the End of World War II” it planned to hold in 1995 at the National Air and Space Museum are certainly not ones who “have seen nothing in Hiroshima”; they are merely ones who do not want others to see what they think is perceptible. To very few Westerners would I say: “You have seen nothing in West Beirut” or “You have seen nothing in Iraq.” How little has Herzog, the director of Lessons of Darkness, 1991, seen in Iraq and the Kuwaiti theater of operations in the aftermath of the Gulf War! With rare people would one progress from “You have seen little in Iraq” (most frequently because they have scant historical knowledge and no direct experience and depend for their political outlook on the biased mainstream media of the West) to “You have seen nothing in Iraq,” because they now belong to the community of the surpassing disaster and thus are affected with the withdrawal. The first expression is critical and exclusive; the second is inclusive when in relation to communities that underwent a surpassing disaster. I highly respect Duras for having “seen nothing in Hiroshima”; I feel contempt for her for how little she saw in Palestine and in Iraq. I certainly would not have said to the living Duras: “You have seen nothing in Palestine and Iraq. Nothing”!19

             

             

             

             

             

            1. This too is impossible: that we are mortal, i.e., already dead even as we live. Cf.Rilke: “Murderers are easy / to understand. But this: that one can contain / death, the whole of death, even before / life has begun, can hold it to one’s heart / gently, and not refuse to go on living, / is inexpressible” (“The Fourth Elegy,” Duino Elegies, 1923, trans. Stephen Mitchell). Some people attempt to do away with this impossibility through trying to become liberated from samsara, the “cycle of existences,” or by means of suicide—those who attempt the latter are unaware that suicide is the impossible aspiration of equating the two deaths (Blanchot), physical death, and the death that co-exists with life and, (having) labyrinthine (temporality), is not subsumable in chronological time.
            2. *N.E.: Jalal Toufic, Undeserving Lebanon (Forthcoming Books, 2007), 32–33.
            3. “At the very core of the ‘rationality’ of our culture… is an exclusion that precedes every other, more radical than the exclusion of madmen, children or inferior races, an exclusion preceding all these and serving as their model: the exclusion of the dead and of death” (Jean Baudrillard, Symbolic Exchange and Death, revised edition, trans. Iain Hamilton Grant (London: SAGE Publications, 2017), 147)—I myself would have put quotation marks around inferior races.
            4. *N.E.: Jalal Toufic, Forthcoming, 2nd edition (Berlin: e-flux journal-Sternberg Press, 2014), 104–105.
            5. *N.E.: Jalal Toufic, The Withdrawal of Tradition Past a Surpassing Disaster (Forthcoming Books, 2009), 51–52.
            6. N.E.: Jalal Toufic, Distracted, 2nd ed. (Berkeley, CA: Tuumba Press, 2003), 82–92.
            7. Spaces that are radically disconnected from their environs are open to the diagram (for example, the Red Room in David Lynch’s Twin Peaks: Fire Walk with Me) or to an unworldly elsewhere or to nothing (the one referred to in the Latin ex nihilo, out of nothing). I term such spaces radical closures (see my book Radical Closure [Singapore: National Gallery Singapore, 2020; https://jalaltoufic.com/downloads/Jalal_Toufic_Radical_Closure.pdf], which gathers my texts on this concept).
            8. Regarding this concept, see my book The Withdrawal of Tradition Past a Surpassing Disaster (Forthcoming Books, 2009; http://www.jalaltoufic.com/downloads/).
            9. *N.E.: Jalal Toufic, Distracted, 2nd ed. (Berkeley, CA: Tuumba Press, 2003), 82–92.
            10. Walid Raad, “Bidāyāt ‘ajā’ibiyya—miswadda (Miraculous Beginnings—A Draft),” trans. Tony Chakar, Al-Ādāb, January–February 2001, Beirut, Lebanon, 64–67. The document in question appears on page 65.
            11. Walid Raad, “Miraculous Beginnings,” Public, no.16 (1998): 44–53.
            12. Is the role of art to reestablish the search for truth in the aftermath of wars, with their many falsifications and distortions? Is it on the contrary to insinuate and extend the suspicion to reality itself? Would the aforementioned Raad works be ones that extend the problematization and suspicion not only to the discourses and behavior of politicians but also to reality?
            13. So can the video Hostage: The Bachar Tapes (English Version), 2000, produced by Walid Raad and whose purported director is the hostage Bachar Souheil notwithstanding that historically there was no hostage by that name. Is it at all strange that the director of the radical closure film The Birds (1963) should conceive the following scene for North by Northwest (1959)? “Hitchcock: ‘Have you ever seen an assembly line?’ Truffaut: ‘No, I never have.’ ‘They’re absolutely fantastic. Anyway, I wanted to have a long dialogue scene between Cary Grant and one of the factory workers as they walk along the assembly line. They might, for instance, be talking about one of the foremen. Behind them a car is being assembled, piece by piece. Finally, the car they’ve seen being put together from a simple nut and bolt is complete, with gas and oil, and all ready to drive off the assembly line. The two men look at it and say, “Isn’t it wonderful!” Then they open the door to the car and out drops a corpse!’ ‘That’s a great idea!’ ‘Where has the body come from? Not from the car, obviously, since they’ve seen it start at zero! The corpse falls out of nowhere, you see! …’ ‘That’s a perfect example of absolute nothingness! Why did you drop the idea?…’ ‘… We couldn’t integrate the idea into the story’” (François Truffaut, Hitchcock, with the collaboration of Helen G. Scott, rev. ed. [New York: Simon and Schuster, 1984], 256–257). In radical-closure films such as The Birds, the Hitchcokian suspense is abrogated—the first, abrupt attack of a bird breaks with the principle of alerting the spectator to the dangerous element—and we switch to surprise (and then, past the first irruption, to free-floating anxiety). The haunting quality of Toba Khedoori’s Untitled (Doors), 1995, and Untitled (Apartment Building) does not emanate from some possible presence of lurking people behind the rows of closed windows and doors, but from the eventuality of the irruption of unworldly or otherworldly entities. Consequently, despite the resemblance between her Untitled (Apartment Building), 1997, and Hopper’s Early Sunday Morning, 1930, there is a fundamental difference between these two paintings, since Hopper’s space is not a radical closure. Sooner or later (better later, when he or she has become adept at impressing on us the difference between a relative closure and a radical one), a radical-closure artist paints or produces prisons or prison-like structures (the prison of Robbe-Grillet’s Topology of a Phantom City, of Magritte’s Universal Gravitation, of Khedoori’s Untitled [Chain Link Fence]), but the radical closure is elsewhere: the blank of Khedoori’s Untitled (Auditorium). It is unsettling to see the museum guard walking in front of a radical-closure painting such as Khedoori’s Untitled (Park Benches), 1997, with its life-size benches, for such a painting gives the impression that the guard himself, supposed to prevent people from touching the painting, could irrupt in the latter (as happens to the museum spectator in the “Crows” section of Kurosawa’s Dreams). Insofar as they guard against strangers, dogs are irrelevant in situations of radical closure: they cannot shield from the irruption of what does not come from the surrounding space and does not enter a house or other enclosure through an opening. If in works by radical-closure filmmakers, “dogs” still appear, they fittingly do so in the manner of the irruption of unworldly barking sounds (Lynch’s Lost Highway). At one point in Duras’s The Man Sitting in the Corridor, the till then extra-diegetic narrator tells the female protagonist, whose eyes are shut, that the man who was standing in the corridor is coming towards her: “We—she and I—hear footsteps.… I see and tell her, tell her he is coming” (Marguerite Duras, The Man Sitting in the Corridor, trans. Barbara Bray [New York: North Star Line, 1991], 19). Notwithstanding André Bazin’s proposition in 1951 that unlike in theater, with its flesh-and-blood actors, there is no presence in cinema, the irruption of the women in the final few minutes of Duras’ film Her Venetian Name in Deserted Calcutta, who can be viewed as the fictional characters Anne Marie-Stretter and one of her party guests, but also as the actresses themselves, introduces a presence in that medium. In Kubrick’s The Shining, before leaving the hotel on his yearly winter leave sometime in the 1970s, the psychic cook told the psychic child of the middle-aged Jack Torrance that he should not worry about the visions he might see in the Overlook Hotel, for they are like pictures in a book: they cannot hurt him. But precisely with radical closures, there is intermixing of world and media, and therefore what is inside a picture can intermingle with what is outside it, and vice versa. Did the child’s father end up becoming one of these, a picture in a book: the photograph with the inscription “Overlook Hotel, July 4th Ball, 1921” in which he appears as a middle-aged man?
            14. *N.E.: Jalal Toufic, Distracted, 2nd ed. (Berkeley, CA: Tuumba Press, 2003), 82–92.
            15. See Walid Khalidi, Kay lā nansá: qurá Filasṭīn al-latī dammarathā Isrā’īl sanat 1948 wa-asmā’ shuhadā’ihā (All That Remains : The Palestinian Villages Occupied and Depopulated by Israel in 1948), 2nd ed. (Beirut: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1998).
            16. The quote is from the exhibition’s wall text.
            17. Alongside the irruption of ahistorical fully formed unworldly entities in the radical closure that the 1982 besieged West Beirut may have become (Walid Raad’s Miraculous Beginnings, 1998 and 2001, The Dead Weight of a Quarrel Hangs, 1996 –1999, and Hostage: the Bachar Tapes [English Version], 2000) ; the withdrawal of tradition past the surpassing disaster that Lebanon may have become during and even after the 1975–1990 war (my Credits Included: A Video in Red and Green, 1995; Joana Hadjithomas and Khalil Joreige’s Wonder Beirut, 1999); and the cinematic restoration of movement otherwise blocked by damaged roads and bridges in the wake of war (as a result of the intensive bombing of Beirut’s southern district during the 2006 Israeli war on Lebanon, debris from collapsed buildings and fallen concrete closed many roads. Eventually the municipality or the government cleared these obstructions, repaired the roads, and traffic resumed. But that was not enough: movement had to be restored cinematically, too. Ghassan Salhab accomplished this in (Posthumous) (2007), superimposing the shot of a motorcyclist halted by rubble over one of cars in motion, so that the transporting sensation is created that he is moving. Thus movement was restored even before the municipality cleared the way, and in this sense Salhab contributed as a filmmaker to the reconstruction of Beirut’s southern suburb); the fourth most important aesthetic issue and strategy in relation to Lebanon is that of the archeological image, a subject already addressed by Gilles Deleuze regarding Straub-Huillet’s work (with the break in the sensory-motor link “the visual image becomes archaeological, stratigraphic, tectonic. Not that we are taken back to prehistory [there is an archaeology of the present], but to the deserted layers of our time which bury our own phantoms.… These are … essentially the empty and lacunary stratigraphic landscapes of Straub, where the … earth stands for what is buried in it : the cave in Othon where the resistance fighters had their weapons, the marble quarries and the Italian countryside where civil populations were massacred in Fortini Cani…” [Gilles Deleuze, Cinema 2: The Time-Image, trans. Hugh Tomlinson and Robert Galeta (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989), 244]); Serge Daney in relation to Palestine (“As for the missing image, it is, still in L’Olivier, when Marius Schattner explains in a very soft voice that beneath the Israeli colony [which we see] there is, buried, covered over, a Palestinian village [which we don’t see]. I also remember this because we are among the few, at Cahiers du cinéma, to have always known that the love of cinema is also to know what to do with images that are really missing” [Serge Daney, “Before and After the Image,” trans. Melissa McMuhan, Discourse 21, no. 1 (Winter 1999): 190]); and myself, mainly in the section “Voice-over-witness” of my book Over-Sensitivity in relation to the Shoah. Clearly, the issue and aesthetic of the archeological image belongs to any of the zones that have suffered massacres and mass graves: Lebanon, Rwanda, Cambodia, Srebrenica, etc. Do we witness an archeology of the image in those sections of Danielle Arbid’s Alone with War (2000) where she goes to the Sabra and Shatila Palestinian refugee camps and to the Christian town Damour, the sites of massacres and mass graves in 1982 and 1976 respectively, asking playing Palestinian children whether they have come across anything arresting while digging in their makeshift playground? Regrettably, the possibility of an archeological image is somewhat botched because what we hear in relation to these images is not a voice-over-witness, but journalist Arbid’s commenting voice-over. It is therefore better to look for this archaeology of the image in Paola Yacoub and Michel Lasserre’s Al-Manāẓῑr (The landscapes), 2001, where at the corner of some of the photographs of the green landscapes of south Lebanon one can read the inconspicuous terse factual information about Israel’s invasion; and where one can hear the disincarnated voices of the stretcher-bearers ascend from this archeological earth to relate work anecdotes and describe life during the long Israeli occupation. While in this postwar period in Lebanon, those of us who have not become zombies are suspicious of classical cinema’s depth (Deleuze: “You [Serge Daney], in the periodization you propose, define an initial function [of the image] expressed by the question: What is there to see behind the image? … This first period of cinema is characterized … by a depth ascribed to the image.… Now, you’ve pointed out that this form of cinema didn’t die a natural death but was killed in the war.… You yourself remark that ‘the great political mises en scenes, state propaganda turning into tableaux vivants, the first mass human detentions’ realized cinema’s dream, in circumstances where… ‘behind’ the image there was nothing to be seen but concentration camps.… After the [Second World] war, then, a second function of the image was expressed by an altogether new question: What is there to see on the surface of the image? ‘No longer what there is to see behind it, but whether I can bring myself to look at what I can’t help seeing—which unfolds on a single plane.’ … Depth was condemned as ‘deceptive,’ and the image took on the flatness of a ‘surface without depth,’ or a slight depth rather like the oceanographer’s shallows…” [Negotiations, 1972–1990, trans. Martin Joughin (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995)])—which may explain, no doubt along with financial reasons, why a substantial number of the most interesting Lebanese makers of audiovisual productions work in video, with its flat images, rather than cinema—we believe in the depth of the earth where massacres have taken place, and  where so many have been inhumed without proper burial and still await their unearthing, and then proper burial and mourning.
            18. Does the “You have seen nothing in Hiroshima” automatically include the non-Japanese film spectator? No. In principle, most film spectators are not included in such a statement.
            19. *N.E.: Jalal Toufic,The Withdrawal of Tradition Past a Surpassing Disaster (Forthcoming Books, 2009), 67–68.