A family during the Mount Lebanon famine (1915 –1918) 1

 

The myth of silk can be traced back to the year 500 when Mount Lebanon was part of the Byzantine Empire. Following an imperial decree, Nestorian priests embarked on an expedition to Central Asia to unravel the mysteries of silk production. Two years later, these priests returned carrying silkworm eggs concealed within their bamboo canes. This marked the genesis of sericulture in the Byzantine Empire 2, particularly in Syria and Lebanon where the mulberry trees on which the silkworms lived were cultivated.

A thousand years later, the Ottomans employed 3 a strategic approach focused on maintaining monopolies over various productions. Each region was designated for specific types of production, and an intricate exchange web compelled other regions to import goods from these designated areas. Lebanon and Syria played crucial roles, primarily devoted to the production of tobacco, textiles, and weapons (specifically blades, swords, knives, and armor). Mount Lebanon was dedicated to silk production.

Fakhreddine II Ma’an (1572-1635 ) played a pivotal role in the further development of silk farming. He established an industry centered around silk production, ensuring economic autonomy for the Emirate of Mount Lebanon (now part of the Ottoman Empire) through commercial exchanges with Tuscany and Modena. Raw silk bundles sourced from around the country were centralized and sold in Sidon, Tripoli, and Beirut, where local weavers sourced their silk.

In this economic dance, the Ottoman Empire banned other forms of production, prioritizing the needs of the empire over investing in self-sustaining ecosystems. The extraction of salt in Lebanon was prohibited in favor of production in Anatolia, Cyprus, and a small part of Syria. The empire went so far as to destroy various salt ponds and impose fines on those caught extracting salt from the sea. During this time, stories emerged of women carrying clay containers with salt water and drying them in private domestic structures in the mountains, away from the coastline. This period led to the country becoming heavily reliant on trade for essential goods and food ingredients, particularly due to the rise of mulberry monoculture, which was estimated to have taken up 45% of the agricultural sector.

Sericulture in Lebanon was the driving force in the “development” of the country, especially after forming ties with France. It represented an opportunity for the expansion of the French public and private sectors. In the 19th century, Lebanon’s reputation flourished through collaboration with silk weavers in Lyon, on the other side of the Mediterranean. Teams of spinners were brought from France to train young women, marking significant social disruption in a traditionally rural part of the country. The French Consul in Beirut counted no fewer than 183 spinning mills in Lebanon. The transportation of silk cocoons and silk from Beirut’s port to Marseille 4 laid the foundations for maritime ties. Similarly, loan grants to intermediaries and traders looking to purchase silk cocoons from farmers set the groundwork for financial trading posts, leading to the establishment of the first Lebanese bank and the development of the port of Beirut. The presence of French silk spinners and French Jesuits also contributed to the establishment of Beirut’s Saint-Joseph University, originally a branch of Lyon University, as well as several private schools founded by  Catholic congregations. Thus, through the silk industry, the French language was popularized in Lebanon. In those days, the silk season was a significant agro-industrial event involving thousands of Lebanese workers, constituting 50% of the GDP of Mount Lebanon.

In the late 19th century, advancements in synthetic silk production in China provided a cheaper and more convenient option, gradually reducing the demand for natural silk. The Ottoman economy faced challenges 5 related to financial mismanagement, corruption, and debt. The empire struggled to modernize its economic systems and infrastructure, contributing to economic stagnation. Military defeats in various locations further weakened its position. The final blow came with the failure of crops in Mount Lebanon, resulting in reduced food availability for sale or consumption. With the scarcity of food infrastructure and dependency on other regions within the Ottoman Empire, Mount Lebanon could not self-sustain for years to come. The situation worsened with a locust invasion that, due to monoculture farming, rapidly consumed crops.

 

Silk production in lebanon. 6

 


Silk production in Lebanon. 7

 

During World War I, the Ottoman Empire prioritized its own soldiers for the available food stock in alliance with Germany. France and Britain seized this opportunity and imposed sea blockades on the area to further weaken the influence of the Ottoman Empire and facilitate their own colonial project in the region. All these factors contributed to the famine in Mount Lebanon 8 that took place in late 1915. It is estimated that between onethird and half of the population died between 1916 and 1918. Stories from the period depict people going back to foraging, consuming food normally reserved for animals, eating the bark and roots of trees, and in some cases, resorting to cannibalism. A British woman, Myriam Peez Bou Sader 9, who married a Lebanese man who survived the famine, wrote a diary, which is now one of the rare documents that help us understand this period. In the diary, she mentioned selling some personal belongings for bread, preparing a birthday for her daughter using one found egg with some bread leftovers, and surviving for a few days on orange peels.

 

 

***

 

The memory of this famine resurfaced after the financial crisis in 2019 in Lebanon. As the currency was devalued, imports were paused. The situation worsened with the pandemic, and got even worse after the Beirut Port explosion of August 4, 2020. Out of necessity, people started utilizing every piece of land owned for agriculture. We were even advised by our politicians to start cultivating our own food.

The origin of the explosion was a silo containing the country’s reserve of wheat and ammonium nitrate. Both components were weaponized. In fact, the famines that we experienced in modern history were a combination of natural disasters, crop failure, economic catastrophe, and most importantly, political gain. The most recent form of famine is man-made. The manipulation of food availability and agricultural resources has long been used to exert control and influence.

The Irish Potato Famine 10(1845-1852) in Ireland was exacerbated by British government policies and the potato blight. British landlords continued to export food from Ireland despite the famine, prioritizing profit over Irish lives.

The Bengal Famine 11(1943) in British India resulted from British colonial policies, wartime inflation, and crop failure, with local resources diverted to support the military during World War II.

The Ethiopian Famine 12(1983-1985) was driven by drought, civil war, and government policies, with the Ethiopian government using food as a weapon against rebel regions.

The North Korean Famine (1994-1998) was caused by government policies, natural disasters, and economic mismanagement, with the government maintaining political control despite widespread starvation.

The ongoing Yemen Famine ( 2016 -present ) is a result of the civil war and a Saudi-led blockade, with political leverage and control over resources being key factors.

 

 

 

***

 

After France and Britain imposed a naval blockade on the shores of Lebanon to exacerbate the famine taking place under the Ottomans in 1916, news circulated about an Italian ship, Rosana 13, en route to Beirut, rumored to be carrying essential supplies. Women, in weary monotones, sang in anticipation of the ship’s arrival. Men gathered at the Beirut port, scanning the horizon in hopes of spotting the approaching vessel. The haunting melody reached Aleppo, a nearby city spared from the famine, and prompted a swift response from its merchants to get food to Beirut. Aleppo’s traders smuggled wheat and lentils in caravans, arriving in Beirut under the cover of night. While food reached Lebanon through other means, the fate of the aid carried by the Rosana ship remains unclear today. “Roasana” became a popular folk song performed by Wadih el Safi, Sabah, Fairuz, and other local singers.

 

This text is an edited transcript from a culinary presentation that took place in the Netherlands on June 1st as part of a supper club with M4gastateliers, Amsterdam. The research presented was accompanied by a three-course menu.

 

  1. Online: https://en.wikipedia.org.→
  2. Kamal Salibi, A House of Many Mansions: The History of Lebanon Reconsidered (1988).→
  3. Leila Fawaz, An Occasion for War: Civil Conflict in Lebanon and Damascus in 1860 (1994).→
  4. Samir Kassir, History of Beirut (2003).→
  5. Engin Deniz Akarlı, The Long Peace: Ottoman Lebanon, 1861–1920 (1993).→
  6. Feeding silk-worms their breakfast of mulberry leaves, Mt. Lebanon, Syria. Picture: Underwood & Underwood. U-157899. Online: https://trafo.hypotheses.org/29330→
  7. Boiling cocoons to loosen fibre ends in Syria’s largest silk reeling plant, Mt. Lebanon. Picture: Underwood & Underwood. U-157695. Online: https://trafo.hypotheses.org/29330→
  8. Tylor Brand, Famine in Mount Lebanon during the First World War (2014, PhD Dissertation).→
  9. Myriam Peez Bou Sader, Diary of the Mount Lebanon Famine (archival document).→
  10. Christine Kinealy, This Great Calamity: The Irish Famine 1845–52 (1994).→
  11. Madhusree Mukerjee, Churchill’s Secret War: The British Empire and the Ravaging of India during World War II (2010).→
  12. Alex de Waal, Famine Crimes (1997).→
  13. Folk song “Ya Rosana” (performed by Fairuz, Wadih El Safi, Sabah).→